The Health Belief Model (HBM) was developed in the 1950s by psychologists working in the US Public Health Service and it has become one of the most widely recognized conceptual frameworks of health behavior. Psychologists were interested in increasing the use of preventive and early detection services such as childhood immunizations and chest x‐rays for tuberculosis screening. More recently, the HBM has been applied to HIV/AIDS and COVID‐19 prevention. The HBM identifies four aspects of this assessment: perceived susceptibility to ill health (risk perception), perceived severity of ill health, perceived benefits of behavior change, and perceived barriers to taking action. The concept of self‐efficacy was later recognized as an important component or factor. The right combination of perceptions adds up to an individual's readiness to act. This theory of behavioral change was later to be categorized as individual centered, since factors beyond the individual that enable and reinforce her behavior were not considered.
Circumcision of males is one of the world's most common and oldest surgical procedures. It is practiced by a wide diversity of cultures worldwide but is also a matter of considerable social and medical controversy. Advocates claim that it has substantial lifetime medical and health benefits, particularly in countries with high rates of HIV, where there is evidence that it may have a protective effect. Critics claim that it is an unnecessary mutilation, particularly when carried out on an infant who is unable to consent to the procedure. In their view, the risk/benefit ratio does not justify the intervention, particularly in developed countries. US doctors have traditionally been more enthusiastic advocates than their counterparts in the United Kingdom and Europe. Social scientists may be called upon to provide accurate information regarding contemporary circumcision practices. There is also a considerable research agenda on the sexual politics of circumcision and the various faith and material interests involved in the controversy over the risk/benefit balance in developed countries.
Reducing multiple and concurrent partnerships has been identified as a priority in generalised HIV epidemics, yet developing successful interventions to bring about such behaviour change has proven challenging. We offered a three-session intervention aimed to improve couple relationship quality and address HIV risk factors, particularly concurrent sexual partnerships (CSP), in a peri-urban community of Kampala, Uganda. Before launching the intervention, a different group of community members participated in eight single-gender focus group discussions (FGDs) which explored issues of couple relationship quality and satisfaction. Findings from the FGDs guided the intervention. All 162 couples invited to the intervention completed a survey pre- and post-intervention. In FGDs, women and men discussed challenges faced in their relationships, including pervasive dissatisfaction, financial constraints, deception and lack of trust, poor communication, lack of sexual satisfaction, and concurrent sexual partnerships. A difference-in-difference analysis showed no measurable impact of the intervention on relationship quality or sexual risk behaviours over a six-month follow-up among 183 individuals who participated in the intervention, although many stated in response to open-ended questions that they had experienced positive relationship changes. Qualitative findings suggest high demand for couple-focused interventions but also reveal many individual-, couple-, community- and structural-level factors which contribute to women and men seeking concurrent sexual partnerships. More intensive interventions may be needed to overcome these barriers to behaviour change and reduce HIV risk. These findings also raise questions about how to interpret divergent qualitative and quantitative data, a topic which has received little attention in the literature.
Couple relationship functioning impacts individual health and well-being, including HIV risk, but scant research has focused on emic understandings of relationship quality in African populations. We explored relationship quality and satisfaction in Eswatini (formerly Swaziland) using data from 148 in-depth interviews (117 life-course interviews with 28 adults and 31 interviews with 29 marriage counselors and their clients) and 4 focus group discussions. Love, respect, honesty, trust, communication, sexual satisfaction, and sexual faithfulness emerged as the most salient characteristics of good relationships, with both men and women emphasising love and respect as being most important. Participants desired relationships characterised by such qualities but reported relationship threats in the areas of trust, honesty, and sexual faithfulness. The dimensions of relationship quality identified by this study are consistent with research from other contexts, suggesting cross-cultural similarities in conceptions of a good relationship. Some relationship constructs, particularly respect, may be more salient in a Swazi context.
Despite evidence that a greater focus on couples could strengthen HIV prevention efforts, little health-related research has explored relationship functioning and relationship quality among couples in Africa. Using data from 162 couples (324 individuals) resident in a peri-urban Ugandan community, we assessed actor and partner effects of sexual risk behaviors on relationship quality, using psychometric measures of dyadic adjustment, sexual satisfaction, commitment, intimacy, and communication. For women and men, poor relationship quality was associated with having concurrent sexual partners and suspecting that one's partner had concurrent sexual partners (actor effects). Women's poor relationship quality was also associated with men's sexual risk behaviors (partner effects), although the inverse partner effect was not observed. These findings suggest that relationship quality is linked to HIV risk, particularly through the pathway of concurrent sexual partnerships, and that positive relationship attributes such as sexual satisfaction, intimacy, and constructive communication can help couples to avoid risk.
This paper uses a life-course approach to explore the sexual partnerships and HIV-related risk of men and women in Swaziland throughout their adolescence, 20s and 30s. Twenty-eight Swazi men and women between the ages of 20 and 39 discussed their life histories in 117 in-depth interviews, with an average follow-up of nine months. Many participants described painful childhood experiences, including a lack of positive role models for couple relationships. Women's first sexual partnerships often involved coercion or force and resulted in pregnancy and abandonment by partners, leaving women economically vulnerable. Most men and women reported a desire to marry and associated marriage with respectability and monogamy. Men typically did not feel ready to marry until their 30s, while women often married only after years in tumultuous relationships. A high degree of relationship instability and change was observed over the study period, with half of participants reporting concurrency within their primary relationship. Participants' narratives revealed significant sources and circumstances of risk, particularly multiple and concurrent sexual partnerships, violence and lack of mutual trust within relationships, as well as social ideals that may provide opportunities for effective HIV prevention.
The rapid scale-up of effective HIV prevention strategies is a central theme of the post-2015 health and development agenda. All major global HIV and AIDS funders have aligned their policies and plans to achieve sharp reductions in new HIV infections and reach epidemic control by 2030. In these "fast-track" plans, increased antiretroviral treatment coverage and the attainment of viral suppression are pivotal, and there is firm recognition of the need for countries to mobilise more domestic resources and build stronger community clinic systems. There is little in these bold plans, however, to suggest that the now 30-year-old call by the World Health Organization (WHO) and other organisations to establish systematic collaborations with the traditional health sector will finally be heeded. In the context of sub-Saharan Africa's HIV epidemic, a significant body of literature demonstrates the critical role that traditional healers can play in improving the success of health programmes, including those for HIV prevention. This paper provides a brief history of collaboration with traditional healers for HIV followed by a description of several successful collaborations and discussion of key elements for success. We argue that the traditional health sector is a major resource that has yet to be sufficiently mobilised against HIV. As we shift from a short-term HIV response to a longer-term and more sustainable response, there is an urgent need to accelerate efforts to leverage and partner with the hundreds of thousands of traditional health practitioners who are already providing health services in communities. Failure to better attune our work to the medical pluralism of communities affected by HIV will continue to hinder HIV programming success and help assure that ambitious post-2015 HIV prevention and control goals are not realised.
Voluntary medical male circumcision (VMMC) has been rapidly accepted by global HIV policy and donor institutions as a highly valuable HIV prevention strategy given its cost-effectiveness, limited interactions with a health facility, and projected long-lasting benefits. Many southern African countries have incorporated VMMC into their national HIV prevention strategies. However, intensive VMMC promotion programs have met with limited success to date and many HIV researchers have voiced concerns. This commentary discusses reasons behind the less-than-desired public demand and suggests how inclusion of the traditional sector - traditional leaders, healers, and circumcisers - with their local knowledge, cultural expertise and social capital, particularly in the realm of social meanings ascribed to male circumcision, may improve the uptake of this HIV prevention strategy. We offer Lesotho and Swaziland as case studies of the integration of universal VMMC policies; these are countries with a shared HIV burden, yet contrasting contemporary socio-cultural practices of male circumcision. The similar hesitant responses expressed by these two countries towards VMMC remind us that the incorporation of any new or revised and revitalized public health strategy must be considered within unique historical, political, economic, and socio-cultural contexts.
The health belief model became one of the most widely recognized conceptual frameworks of health behavior, focusing on behavioral change at the individual level. The model suggests that decision-makers make a mental calculus about whether the benefits of a promoted behavior change outweigh its practical and psychological costs or obstacles. That is, individuals conduct an internal assessment of the net benefits of changing their behavior, and decide whether or not to act. The model identifies four aspects of this assessment: perceived susceptibility to ill-health (risk perception), perceived severity of ill-health, perceived benefits of behavior change, and perceived barriers to taking action. The concept of self-efficacy, or the perceived ability to actually take a recommended action, was later recognized as an important component or factor. Keywords: health; health communication; health management
Men and women in Swaziland who are engaged in multiple or concurrent sexual partnerships, or who have sexual partners with concurrent partners, face a very high risk of HIV infection. Ninety-four in-depth interviews were conducted with 28 Swazi men and women (14 of each sex) between the ages of 20 and 39 to explore participants' sexual partnership histories, including motivations for sexual relationships which carried high HIV risk. Concurrency was normative, with most men and women having had at least one concurrent sexual partnership, and all women reporting having had at least one partner who had a concurrent partner. Men distinguished sexual partnerships that were just for sex from those that were considered to be 'real relationships', while women represented most of their relationships, even those which included significant financial support, as being based on love. Besides being motivated by love, concurrent sexual partnerships were described as motivated by a lack of sexual satisfaction, a desire for emotional support and/or as a means to exact revenge against a cheating partner. Social and structural factors were also found to play a role in creating an enabling environment for high-risk sexual partnerships. These factors included social pressure and norms; a lack of social trust; poverty and a desire for material goods; and geographical separation of partners.
Uganda has long been considered an AIDS success story, although in recent years declines in prevalence and incidence appear to have stalled or even reversed. During the early stages of Uganda's AIDS prevention program, health messages emphasized behavior change, especially fidelity. Ugandans were made to fear AIDS and feel personally at risk of dying from a new, poorly understood disease. In this research, six focus group discussions with 64 participants in peri-urban and rural areas outside Kampala suggest that HIV prevention messages have shifted in the direction of risk reduction: condoms, testing, and drugs. Ugandans now seem less afraid of becoming infected with HIV, at least in part because antiretroviral therapy is available, and this diminished fear may be having a disinhibiting effect on sexual behavior. Participants believe that HIV rates are on the rise, that more individuals are engaged in multiple and concurrent sexual partnerships, and that sexual behavior is less restrained than a generation ago. These findings suggest that AIDS-prevention programs in Uganda would benefit from refocusing on the content that yielded success previously-sexual behavior change strategies.
Condom promotion and HIV testing for the general population have been major components of HIV prevention efforts in sub-Saharan Africa's high prevalence HIV epidemics, although little evidence documents their public health impact. Recent enhancements to the large, population-based demographic and health surveys (DHS) and AIDS information surveys (AIS) allow use of these data to assess the population-wide impact of these strategies. We analysed the latest DHS and AIS data from four sub-Saharan African countries with high prevalence, heterosexually transmitted HIV epidemics (Côte d'Ivoire, Swaziland, Tanzania and Zambia; N = 48 298) to answer two questions: 1) Are men and women who use condoms less likely to be HIV-infected than those who do not?; and 2) Are men and women who report knowing their HIV status more likely to use condoms than those who do not? Consistent condom use was associated with lower HIV infection rates for Swazi men but with higher HIV infection rates for women in Tanzania and Zambia; it made no significant difference in the other five sex/country subgroups analysed. Inconsistent condom use was not significantly associated with HIV status in any subgroup. Knowing one's HIV status was consistently associated with higher rates of condom use only among married people who were HIV-positive, even though condom use in this group remained relatively low. Effects of knowing one's HIV status among other subgroups varied. These results suggest that condoms have had little population-wide impact for HIV/AIDS prevention in these four countries. HIV testing appears to be associated with increased condom use mainly among people in stable partnerships who test positive. HIV testing and condom promotion may be more effective when targeted to specific groups where there is evidence of benefit rather than to general populations.
A recent article in the JLM (Boyle GJ and Hill G, "Sub-Saharan African Randomised Clinical Trials into Male Circumcision and HIV Transmission: Methodological, Ethical and Legal Concerns" (2011) 19 JLM 316) criticises the large randomised controlled trials (RCTs) that scientists, clinicians and policy-makers worldwide have concluded provide compelling evidence in support of voluntary medical male circumcision (VMMC) as an effective HIV prevention strategy. The present article addresses the claims advanced by Boyle and Hill, demonstrating their reliance on outmoded evidence, outlier studies, and flawed statistical analyses. In the current authors' view, their claims portray misunderstandings of the design, execution and interpretation of findings from RCTs in general and of the epidemiology of HIV transmission in sub-Saharan Africa in particular. At the same time they ignore systematic reviews and meta-analyses using all available data arising from good-quality research studies, including RCTs. Denial of the evidence supporting lack of male circumcision as a major determinant of HIV epidemic patterns in sub-Saharan Africa is unsubstantiated and risks undermining the evidence-based, large-scale roll-out of VMMC for HIV prevention currently underway. The present article highlights the quality, consistency and robustness of the scientific evidence that underpins the public health recommendations, guidance, and tools on VMMC. Millions of HIV infections will be averted in the coming decades as VMMC services scale-up to meet demand, providing direct benefits for heterosexual men and indirect benefits for their female partners.