Introduction: Against the backdrop of increasing body image concerns among men, the present study examined two factors that might underlie men's baldness distress: rigid perfectionism and anxiety about physical aging. Methods: An international sample of 355 men with varying degrees of baldness and an age range of 19 to 64 years were surveyed. Results: As hypothesized, participants scoring high in rigid perfectionism showed higher levels of baldness distress. This association was partially mediated by anxiety about physical aging. The mediation was not further moderated by participants' age, degree and duration of baldness, cultural context, or racial identity, which underlines the generalizability of results. Discussion and Conclusion: The discussion centers around the partial rather than complete mediation by aging anxiety and implications of the findings for supporting balding men in the public health domain.
Men's baldness can be structurally stigmatized. For example, commercialized psychology research medicalizes it as a distressing "disease." A mixed-methods survey on baldness stigma among 357 balding men (49% from Central- and South- America, Africa, Asia) was conducted. Qualitative and quantitative responses were content analyzed into two approximate sets: those (1) impacted by baldness stigma versus (2) those resisting baldness stigma. (1) The former included about half who had internalized baldness stigma agreeing it was disadvantageous (44%) and reporting distress (39-45% e.g. "[I] dread the future"). Participants reported baldness was stigmatized structurally (68%; e.g. "[it's a] humiliating image") and were attempting to combat their baldness largely via "treatments" (57%). (2) The latter participant response set resisted baldness stigma by reporting minimal distress, and structural stigma whilst accepting baldness (33-61%). Psychosocial and evidence-based support is needed to help some men resist baldness stigmatization.
BACKGROUND:Androgenetic alopecia (AGA) practitioner care may be hampered by commercial biases and hair loss' omission from most medical curricula.AIM AND METHOD:Between November 2020 and September 2021, 34 AGA professionals (86% British; 62% trichologists), participated in a pilot, mixed-methods, survey. Practitioner views on: 1a-1j) AGA's commercial influences (e.g., participants were quantitatively assessed on their understanding of a popular, commercially-funded, AGA study) and 2a-2h) constraints on evidenced-based AGA responding (e.g., ethical dilemmas) were assessed. Quantitative responses are reported descriptively whilst qualitative responses are categorized alongside illustrative quotes.RESULTS:On average, (1a-1d) 42% of participants were misled by the popular AGA study and (1e) participants underestimated the extent of commercial biases in AGA research as 25%; (2a-2e). Participants also indicated that AGA treatment limitations and misinformation ethically challenged them (e.g., "[It's difficult to know when] to treat or not without being able to confirm the outcome"). (2c) Most (77%) indicated society played a powerful role in exacerbating AGA distress (e.g., "Society is hyper critical of appearance") and 30% indicated greater "treatment" accessibility was needed: (e.g., "hair loss product [should] give clear indication of what the active ingredients are and how effective they are").CONCLUSIONS:Despite the limited sample size, these finding cohere with previous identified challenges of the AGA practitioner role. Evidence based guidance and research scrutiny tools would help practitioners overcome such challenges.
The adverse psychosocial impact of androgenetic alopecia (AGA) is often framed as an essential motivation for developing efficacious treatments to halt hair loss or promote regrowth, especially since AGA is common among men but does not result in physically harmful or life-limiting consequences. Yet, empirical evidence documenting the impact of AGA on men's psychological wellbeing and quality of life is patchy and has not previously been subject to systematic review. This systemic review and meta-analyses aim to integrate and evaluate evidence regarding the psychosocial impact of AGA on men. A database and manual reference search identified English-language articles which reported: 1) empirical research; of ii) psychosocial distress (mental health, depression, anxiety, self-esteem, or quality of life); and iii) data separately for male AGA participants. Screening of 607 articles resulted in 37 (6%) for inclusion. PRISMA guidelines, the (modified) AXIS quality assessment tool, and independent extraction were deployed. Heterogeneity in measures and study aims, moderate study quality (M = 7.37, SD = 1.31), probable conflicts of interest (78%) and biased samples (68%) suggest that results should be treated cautiously. Meta-analyses revealed no impact on depression (pooled M = 8.8, 95% CI = 6.8-10.8) and moderate impact on quality of life (pooled m = 9.12, 95% CI = 6.14-12.10). Men with AGA were found to have average or better mental health compared to those without AGA. Overall, there was limited evidence of a severe impact on mental health and quality of life for men experiencing hair loss, with most studies evidencing (at best) a moderate impact. Good dermatological care includes accurately educating about the psychosocial impact of AGA on men, taking care not to overstate levels of distress, and screening for distress using validated measures which have clear clinical thresholds.
Abstract: Introduction: Against the backdrop of increasing body image concerns among men, the present study examined two factors that might underlie men’s baldness distress: rigid perfectionism and anxiety about physical aging. Methods: An international sample of 355 men with varying degrees of baldness and an age range of 19 to 64 years were surveyed. Results: As hypothesized, participants scoring high in rigid perfectionism showed higher levels of baldness distress. This association was partially mediated by anxiety about physical aging. The mediation was not further moderated by participants’ age, degree and duration of baldness, cultural context, or racial identity, which underlines the generalizability of results. Discussion and Conclusion: The discussion centers around the partial rather than complete mediation by aging anxiety and implications of the findings for supporting balding men in the public health domain.
Psychology has witnessed an upsurge in discussions around institutional racism as a response to global anti-racist activism following the murder of George Floyd in May 2020 by a police officer in Minneapolis, USA. Within academic institutions, students have been challenging institutional racism for years, highlighting how the whiteness of curricula serves to uphold systems of racial injustice. Such calls are often met with denial and sometimes active backlash. Nevertheless, further reflection is crucial if universities and accrediting bodies endorsing educational and professional courses seek meaningful systemic change. Informed by Critical Race Theory, this study uses original empirical data to uncover how students of colour experience psychology curricula by conducting six face-to-face focus groups with 22 undergraduate and postgraduate students of colour on psychology courses at a UK university. Results from reflexive thematic analysis reveal, first, how the psychology curricula are marked by knowledges that (re)produce racism; second, how students are calling for change; and finally, confusion over where responsibility for change lies. We argue that this analysis has important implications for the perpetuation of institutional racism within psychology, academia in general, and subsequent professional psychological practice.
Critical Race Theory (CRT) suggests psychology’s contribution to racism takes various forms. Abstractly, racism is promoted through psychology’s flawed theoretical conceptualization as an individualized, inevitable occurrence. Concretely, it occurs because psychology is one of the most popular reasons students come to university and Black Asian and Minoritized Ethnic (BAME) students report racist harassment and less access to formal support whilst there. This racism and student‐proposed anti‐racist recommendations are often ignored. Concretely assessing what racism students face, assessing how students understand racism, and demonstrating student support for anti‐racist recommendations, are CRT‐informed methods of challenging university racism. White (n = 213) and BAME (n = 182) UK students were asked about their estimation of racism, any positive action and discrimination experienced, and their access to university support. Participants were also randomized into multiple conditions where five anti‐racist recommendations were proposed (by Professors N. Patel, R. Smith, or no one). Participant consensus was found in high racism estimations, in benefiting from similar positive actions and in accessing four types of university support. However, White students underestimated racism more so, received less discrimination, and reported more access to three university support types. Almost all participants supported the recommendations regardless of proposer. These results suggest the implementation of anti‐racist recommendations converges with university’s interests as student stakeholder support them. Psychologists in universities can advocate for these recommendations and take other anti‐racist actions.
Decolonising psychology curricula faces substantial anti-racist inertia and a history of ‘using data limitations as an excuse not to push ahead’ (NUS & Universities UK, 2019; p.35). We report on a targeted curriculum decolonisation project at a British university. We quantitatively coded the identifiable ‘race’, gender and nationality of the authors set as reading at the beginning (in 2015–16) and three-years after the project began (in 2019–20). Our analysis revealed no significant change in the dominance of Globally Northern (95 per cent), white (95 per cent) and male (57 per cent) authors over time. Indeed, there were more White, male authors named John than BAME-female and male authors, of any name, collectively. We call on organisational bodies to promote decolonisation as part of course re-accreditation converging with staff’s interest.
Male baldness is physically benign though it is increasingly described as a "disease" based on claims that it is profoundly distressing. The medicalization of baldness was assessed using data extracted from a review of 37 male baldness psychosocial impact studies. Findings revealed most studies likely had commercial influences (78%), represented baldness as a disease (77%), were conducted on biased samples (68%), and advocated for baldness products/services (60%), omitting their limitations (68%). Health psychologists should challenge baldness medicalization so that men can make informed choices about what, if anything, they do with their baldness.
Body dissatisfaction is a substantial problem. Body dissatisfaction's development into several clinical physical and psychological health disorders are well-recognized. A further well-documented consequence of body dissatisfaction is the non-medical use of anabolic-androgenic steroids by men. Steroids can cause muscular growth and loss of body fat. A large meta-analysis of studies found that the lifetime prevalence of steroid use among men and boys was 7% a prevalence rate that appears to be increasing. Researchers should not however limit their analyses of the impact of body dissatisfaction to clinical eating disorders or steroid usage. Researchers tend to identify the driver of male body dissatisfaction as other people, especially women and mothers, or individuals themselves. Protein shakes, muscle supplements, cosmetic surgery procedures, hair loss ‘solutions' and male make up represent just some of this landscape. Unregistered cosmetic surgeons have a significant social media presence; with most promoting their own surgeries rather than posting any medically educational content.
Introduction Head hair comprises a critical part of the male appearance ideal, which itself is a crucial signifier of a man’s masculinity. However, difficulties in recruitment have meant that research has not yet fully explored how men construct the loss of head hair (baldness), perhaps because it is considered “feminine” to disclose body dissatisfaction experiences to a researcher or other people. Methods and Design Online forums provide an opportunity for the anonymous discussion of body dissatisfaction that may overcome this obstacle. The first 260 forums posts from the two most popular baldness forums were thematically analysed. Ethics Statement Institutional ethics approval was granted. Results and Discussion We identified three themes titled: (1) Baldness is an ugly and demasculinising condition, (2) Baldness is stigmatised by a superficial society and superficial women and (3) Resistance to baldness despair. Our findings show baldness distress, and stigma exist though so does resistance, which can be comforting to men experiencing baldness or any form of body dissatisfaction. Conclusion and Implications Online forums are a salient resource to enhance our understanding of men’s balding concerns and disclosure barriers. Independent, professional and effective baldness support that unpacks baldness masculinised and medicalised framing is recommended.
Introduction: Head hair forms a central component of the sociocultural male appearance ideal (e.g., mesomorphic, tall, young and not bald) and carries masculine connotations and stigma. Immense pressures to conform to this male appearance ideal gives rise to body dissatisfaction. Previous assessments of body dissatisfaction are too narrow, ignoring dissatisfaction beyond mesomorphy such as baldness dissatisfaction. Our study involved two research questions: (i) Do the facial expressions assigned to images of bald and non-bald men differ? and (ii) What forms of body dissatisfaction, including baldness dissatisfaction, do men have and are these related to men’s wellbeing and muscularity behaviours? Method: Eighty-six male participants aged 18–58 years (mean = 23.62; standard deviation = 7.80) were randomly exposed to 10 images of smiling men (half balding and half not) and were asked to rate the facial expression displayed. Participants also rated their body dissatisfaction and wellbeing. Ethics statement: Institutional ethics approval was granted. Results: We found that participants interpreted the facial expressions of images of bald men slightly more negatively than non-bald men. Most participants reported some form of body dissatisfaction correlated with wellbeing and muscularity enhancing behaviours, albeit weakly. Participants also disclosed a range of body dissatisfaction aspects (including surrounding muscularity, body fat, teeth alignment, skin tone and facial hair amount) though generally were not impacted heavily nor highly dissatisfied. Conclusion: These findings underscore the complex challenge in producing a complete assessment of men’s body dissatisfaction and the general resilience men experience with extant appearance pressures around their bodies and head hair.
Renewed attention has been paid to the ‘race’ attainment / awarding gap in Higher Education (HE) which refers to the consistently higher chance White students have of gaining a 1st or 2:1 degree relative to their Black, Asian, Minoritized Ethnic (BAME) counterparts. In this commentary I use Critical Race Theory to provide some context to the gap. I then draw on three UK university case studies (one of which I have led) to close the gap including tackling staff attitudes, building anti-racism into student employability processes and decolonizing psychology’s curriculum.
The editors of Feminism & Psychology, Catriona Macleod, Rose Capdevila and Jeanne Marecek, thank Tamara Shefer, who, along with Sally R. Munt, Vivienne Bozalek and Ronelle Carolissen, guest edited the special issue “Feminist Politics of Shame”, published in Volume 29, Issue 2. Guest editing is a lengthy and timeconsuming process. We are grateful for the active and constructive engagement with the authors of this special issue. The following people have taken time to review manuscripts for Feminism & Psychology over the last year. We are indebted to all our reviewers for their commitment to providing in-depth feedback. In addition, a number of people reviewed abstracts and attended presentations to decide on our annual student presentation awards. Thank you for undertaking this labour.
The field of body image and appearance research and practice is progressing; however, there is still work to be done to ensure broad societal impact. This article consolidates reflections from a range of established and early career experts in the field of appearance and body image, with a focus on stimulating and guiding future agenda setting and translation from research to impact. We conducted a thematic analysis of transcripts from nine recorded 5-minute presentations, delivered by researchers and clinicians as part of a special invited presentation session at a biennial international conference, 'Appearance Matters,' in the UK. Four themes were identified: Moving Beyond the Individual; Consolidation and Collaboration; Commitment to Implementation; and Positive and Protective Frameworks. These themes are discussed alongside recommendations for researchers and practitioners working in these fields to advance research, advocacy, and impact outside of academia.
In this commentary I critically reflect on five discourses I have observed whilst working within the field of men’s body dissatisfaction between 2011 and 2018. I have observed these in empirical work on men’s body dissatisfaction, media coverage and participants’ own accounts in qualitative research I have conducted. I argue these discourses are sexist and identify them as: (1) Men Are The Real Beauty Victims; (2) Women Should Stop Obsessing; (3) Superficial Women; (4) Mothers Are Body Shamers; and (5) Feminism Forces Muscles On Men. I conclude that these discourses further post-feminism, where women’s gains are seen as men’s losses, and neoliberalism, where blame is placed at the individual’s (or woman’s) feet. As an alternative, I outline the feminist approach that recognises the widespread cultural commodification of the body as driving body dissatisfaction.