Between 1982 and 1992, the birthrate doubled among never married college-educated women and almost tripled among never married women who work in a professional or managerial capacity. This research examines why older, single women want to become mothers and how their premotherhood motivation and experience compare to those of married mothers. A snowball sampling technique was used to recruit 51 women who were single when they became mothers and 51 demographically similar married mothers. The two groups were alike regarding their motivation for becoming a mother, although the single mothers were more likely to have considered their marital status and other related factors (e.g., finances) prior to becoming a mother. The single and married mothers differed in how they viewed relationships with men. The composite picture that emerged from the single mothers was one of ambivalence toward marriage—a combination of an idealized image of what marriage should be with an unwillingness to accept compromise as an essential relationship strategy. Older, single women who become mothers are contributing to the trend in American society toward an increasing separation of marriage and childbearing.
Patterns of repeated victimization were investigated in a large community-based survey about sexual assault. Multiple victimization was common: of the 433 sexually assaulted respondents, two-thirds reported more than one incident; the average number of incidents per person was 3.2. Single- and multiple-incident victims of sexual assault did not differ on a wide range of variables including demographics, mental disorders, and general functioning (e.g., suicide attempts, family violence). Thus, once an initial victimization occurred, personal characteristics of the victim were not related to risk for subsequent sexual assault. Additional research which obtains more specific information on each event is needed to strengthen confidence in these findings. Considerations for research on multiple victimization are discussed. Further research may benefit from exploring contextual factors and using longitudinal research methods.
Considerable research suggests that social support plays a crucial role in coping with stressful life events. The present study used data from 3,132 randomly selected survey respondents to investigate the use and helpfulness of seven potential social support sources in coping with a particular life crisis: sexual assault. About two-thirds of the 447 sexually assaulted respondents had told someone about the assault. Over half had talked to a friend or relative (59.3%). Fewer respondents consulted police (10.5%), mental health professionals (16.1%), physicians (9.3%), clergy (3.9%), rape crisis centers (1.9%), and legal professionals (1.6%). Assault by a stranger, physical threat, fighting against the assailant, a high degree of sexual contact, and emotional distress concerning the assault were associated with talking about the assault, especially with police and physicians. Most of those who told someone found at least one person helpful (73.8%). Rape crisis centers (94.2%) and legal professionals (82.7%) were most frequently described as helpful, followed by mental health professionals (70.1%), friends and relatives (66.6%), clergy (63.1%), physicians (55.6%), and police (38.2%). Results are compared to previous findings, and implications for research and intervention are discussed.
To determine who resists sexual assault and what happens, data were examined from a probability sample of 3,132 adult community residents of Los Angeles, California. Seventy-five per cent of the respondents reporting an assault (n = 365) indicated that they had attempted to resist their most recent assault; talking was the most frequently used resistance strategy. The strongest predictor to emerge in the multivariate analyses of resistance was timing of assault: respondents assaulted only in childhood were less likely to resist than either respondents assaulted only in adulthood, or respondents assaulted in both phases. Univariate analyses indicated that resistance reduced the probability of sexual contact, however multivariate analyses suggested that assailant use of force was the most important determinant of assault outcome.
A cross-sectional probability survey of 3132 household adults was conducted in two Los Angeles communities in order to examine the relationship between sexual assault and prevalence of 9 major mental disorders. Diagnoses of mental disorders were compared between those subjects who reported that they have experienced sexual abuse at some time in their lives and those who were not exposed to sexual assault. Disorders assessed include major depression mania schizophrenia alcohol abuse or dependence antisocial personality phobia panic disorder and obsessive-compulsive disorder. Findings revealed that 13.2% of the studied population have been experiencing lifetime sexual assault. Those who were exposed to childhood sexual abuse were more likely than those assaulted in adulthood to report the development of a mental disorder. Lifetime prevalences of affective disorder including major depressive and manic disorders and drug abuse or dependence as well as three anxiety disorders including phobia mania and obsessive-compulsive disorder were significantly higher among assaulted individuals. The risk ratios indicate that the onset of associated disorder after assault was 2.3-4.0 times greater among the assaulted group relative to the nonassaulted ones. However Hispanic ethnic background and education were unrelated to the occurrence of mental disorders following sexual assault.
The authors examined the relationships between stressful work conditions and diastolic blood pressure among blue collar men employed in similar occupational settings. The study population consisted of 288 male, hourly workers, aged 40-63 years, employed for a minimum of 10 years at one of two plants in the metropolitan Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania area in January 1980. Blood pressure was assessed by the random zero muddler method by trained nurses at screenings between March 1981 and August 1982; 47 men who received pharmacologic treatment for previously diagnosed hypertension were excluded from the analyses. Multiple regression analyses showed that ratings of six (of 15) stressful work conditions as well as overall job dissatisfaction were significant predictors of diastolic blood pressure, controlling for age, body mass index, alcohol consumption, cigarette smoking habits, family history of hypertension, and severe noise-induced hearing loss. Men with elevated diastolic blood pressure reported having little opportunity for promotion and for participating in decisions at work, an uncertain job future, unsupportive coworkers and foreman, difficulties communicating with others, and overall dissatisfaction with the job. Additional stepwise multiple regression analyses showed that overall job satisfaction was related to low diastolic pressure among men from the plant rated as having overall good work conditions. These results are noteworthy because they support the importance of stressful work conditions and psychological reactions to those conditions in understanding the epidemiology of hypertension.
This study reports childhood sexual assault data collected as part of a community-based population study on mental health. A household sample, stratified by catchment area, was selected using a two-stage probability technique. A total of 3,132 adults (18 years or older) were interviewed between January 1983 and August 1984. The sample was 46% Hispanic and 42% non-Hispanic white, 47% male and 53% female. Childhood sexual assault was defined as incidents before age 16 years which involved pressure or force for sexual contact. The prevalence (weighted for sampling design and nonresponse) of childhood sexual assault for the total sample was 5.3%. Rates were higher for non-Hispanic whites (8.7%) compared with Hispanics (3.0%), women (6.8%) compared with men (3.8%), and younger persons at the time of interview (6.5%) compared with older persons (3.9%). Most assaults were by an acquaintance and occurred for the first time around age 10 years. Data from a subsample of assaulted respondents show that childhood sexual assaults are not usually accomplished through physical aggression, but rather through persuasion, and through the psychological threat of the assailant being bigger or stronger. Research is needed on the natural history and sequelae of childhood sexual assault.
Knowledge acquisition, although a prerequisite of preventive behavior, has been a neglected area of research. Mass communication research shows that audience characteristics explain most of the variation in knowledge acquistion. Since cancer information is mainly disseminated via the media, we hypothesized that the same audience characteristics would be related to accuracy of cancer knowledge. Bivariate and multivariate associations between the hypothesized variables and a cancer knowledge score were tested using a three-stage random sample of Los Angeles County (N = 931). Smoking status, education, degree of cancer worry, health improvement behavior, ethnicity, age, household size, and frequency of health worry were related to knowledge accuracy. An examination of the underlying dimensions of cancer knowledge revealed three beliefs about cancer: smoking causes cancer; cancer can be cured; and the environment does not cause cancer. Smoking status, ethnicity, health improvement behavior, and worry about cancer and health were associated with the belief that smoking causes cancer. The independent variables in this study were not significantly related to the other two beliefs. These results conform with the general predictions of mass communication research. We conclude that targeting of cancer information and particular uses of media could raise the general level of cancer knowledge.
Previous studies of stress in childhood have used instruments containing items describing events/conditions thought by adults to be stressful for children. In interviews with 5th- and 6th-grade children, we asked them to describe circumstances that would make or had made them feel bad, nervous, or worried. After pretesting this children's list of items, we administered it to 2,480 5th graders. Subjects ranked how bad they would/did feel if each item happened and, also, how often each had occurred. Children also self-rated their mental health status. There were significant associations between children's ratings of mental health and "Feel Bad" scores. Girls rates most items significantly higher (more bad) than boys. While there were some sex and racial differences in ratings, the rank orders of items by different subgroups were highly correlated. Factor analysis revealed three dimensions, containing items related to: 1) anxieties surrounding conflict with parents; 2) self-image and peer-group relationship; and 3) geographic mobility. Only five or six of the 20 items represent discrete events (changing schools); the rest represent chronic role strains (being left out of a group, being pressured to get good grades). The consequences of these strains are yet to be determined.
The present study examined the type A behavior, symptom experience, and decisions to seek treatment of patients with acute myocardial infarction (MI) symptoms. Subjects were 43 patients admitted to the coronary care units of one of two hospitals for a suspected infarct. They were interviewed in the hospital, usually within 5 days of their arrival. The interview included questions about the patients' prehospital symptom experience, demographic characteristics, and Type A behaviors. Analyses revealed that the patients who delayed in the early phase of seeking treatment (i.e., excessive time between patients' noting initial symptoms and deciding they were ill) were those who reported that they characteristically exhibited some Type A behaviors, that they experienced little initial pain at a time when work was quite demanding, and that they responded to their symptoms with depression and fatigue. Moreover, they were currently quite pessimistic about their health. Those who delayed in the later phase (i.e., excessive time between patients' deciding they were ill and deciding they would seek treatment) were persons who were assessed as Type B on the Structured Interview and who talked to others to assess the meaning of their symptoms. The implications of the findings for a stage model of delay are discussed and some limitations of the present study are considered.