This article examines how Afghan refugee resettlement in Muncie, Indiana challenges dominant narratives about both Midwestern homogeneity and refugee victimhood. Through research with Afghan refugees who arrived following the 2021 U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, I analyze how everyday encounters between refugees and longtime residents reveal complex imperial connections. Drawing on Critical Refugee Studies, I argue that Afghan presence in the American Midwest is not incidental but directly produced by decades of U.S. military intervention. Cultural narratives that portray the Midwest as predominantly white are not only misleading but also fuel dangerous ideologies like nativism and white supremacy, which lead to anti-refugee and immigrant policies and practices that have dire consequences. By centering Afghan refugees within longer histories of imperialism, racialization, and migration, I demonstrate how face-to-face interactions produce unexpected alliances that question previously held ideologies and challenge U.S. empire. This work contributes to understanding how refugee integration collapses boundaries between foreign and domestic, revealing how empire fundamentally shapes citizenship, belonging, and regional identity in America’s heartland.

This chapter explains the policies, politics, and everyday practices of the New American Services. It highlights the tensions surrounding citizenship and the role that nongovernmental (or nonprofit) organizations play in Fargo under neoliberalism by analyzing these practices in terms of the “NGOization” of refugee resettlement. The chapter defines NGOization as the proliferation of NGOs under neoliberalism as extensions, or new faces, of the state. It views NGOs from a feminist's lens, and challenges the master narrative that refugee resettlement was purely humanitarian or simply unaccountable. The chapter provides an overview of everyday resettlement practices and beliefs about resettlement staff, and how their work can be interpreted in regard to the larger social issues laid out in this book: race, citizenship, and diversity. It also talks about the Cooperative Agreement between the Government of the United States (the State Department and the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration) and VOLAGS or voluntary agencies.

Journal for the Anthropology of North AmericaVolume 23, Issue 2 p. 123-125 Book Review Westermeyer, William H, 2019. Back to America: Identity, Political Culture, and the Tea Party Movement. University of Nebraska Press Jennifer Erickson, Corresponding Author Jennifer Erickson jlerickson@bsu.edu orcid.org/0000-0003-1265-7846 Ball State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author Jennifer Erickson, Corresponding Author Jennifer Erickson jlerickson@bsu.edu orcid.org/0000-0003-1265-7846 Ball State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: 18 August 2020 https://doi.org/10.1002/nad.12135Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume23, Issue2Fall 2020Pages 123-125 RelatedInformation

Sport is often promoted as a vehicle through which a variety of social policy outcomes can be achieved. One of the most common outcomes is the enhancement of social inclusion opportunities for marginalized youth populations. While a growing number of studies have examined the potential of sport-based interventions to address broader social concerns, few have focused on the recruitment activities used within such programs to engage youth populations. Drawing on interview data collected within two sport-based interventions delivered in London (UK), which both aimed to engage marginalized young people through sport, this article intends to examine three main issue: first, to explore the practices undertaken by the two organizations to recruit and retain participants in their sport-based interventions, and second, to examine the implications of these practices on participant recruitment strategies. Third, the article contends that within a context shaped by a neoliberal agenda, the necessity to meet predetermined participation targets encourages organizations to use the most efficient means possible to maximize numbers of program participants. However, such recruitment strategies often overlook young people whose social exclusion is more complex or acute, and who, arguably, are in greater need of intervention support.

American EthnologistVolume 47, Issue 3 p. 318-319 Book Review Second World, Second Sex: Socialist Women's Activism and Global Solidarity during the Cold War. Kristen Ghodsee. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2018. 328 pp. JENNIFER ERICKSON, JENNIFER ERICKSON Ball State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author JENNIFER ERICKSON, JENNIFER ERICKSON Ball State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: 04 August 2020 https://doi.org/10.1111/amet.12924Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume47, Issue3August 2020Pages 318-319 RelatedInformation

As female youth from refugee backgrounds are forced to migrate and resettle, they face unique challenges not often addressed by their host community. Participating in physical activity (PA), however, may pave a pathway to healthy resettlement. Nine Burmese females from refugee backgrounds participated in semistructured interviews and discussed their experiences in sport and physical education and how those experiences relate to their sense of belonging, autonomy, and relationships, as well as their ability to adapt. Participants then completed a photovoice task where they photographed highlights and challenges they have faced in PA. Photographs were analyzed and discussed in a followup interview. The interviews were transcribed and analyzed using thematic analysis. Resulting dimensions such as sport incompetence, growth mindset, importance of autonomy and choice, and desired peer relationships support Ryan and Deci’s (2000) self-determination theory. Practical implications for PE teachers, coaches, and school administrators are discussed. These results inform school districts of potential barriers and future interventions that could help this population better resettle and encourage participation in sports and physical activity.

During the 2020 summer of global uprisings in defense of Black life, widely circulated anti-racist reading lists created heightened demand for books that promised to teach readers how to examine their internalized racism. Situated in U.S. racial liberalism’s extensive literary genealogy, anti-racist “how-to” literature has historically swooped in during moments of heightened racialized confusion to restore narratives of American exceptionalism. This literature sustains the tenuous promise that racism is something that one can challenge in interpersonal relationships and by following specific steps toward individualized behavior correction. Building on a broader body of work that has critiqued liberal anti-racisms for detracting from abolitionst struggles against racialized injustice, this article specifically frames the limitations that “how-to anti-racisms” place on transgressive multiracial coalition building. Through ethnographic analysis of discourses and practices that move through various sites of contemporary Black-Asian American activist encounters, I build on Black and radical women of color feminist theorizations of solidarity to show how “how-tos” destabilize coalition building by overdetermining resolutions to conflict. I argue that in “settling” anti-racism into a repertoire of predetermined steps, how-to-ism constrains the contradiction, anger, and uncertainty that is fundamental to forging the radical accountability central to abolitionist work.

Journal for the Anthropology of North AmericaVolume 22, Issue 1 p. 42-42 Book Review #CiteBlackWomen: An Introduction to this Special Book Review Jennifer Erickson, Corresponding Author Jennifer Erickson jlerickson@bsu.edu Ball State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author Jennifer Erickson, Corresponding Author Jennifer Erickson jlerickson@bsu.edu Ball State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: 29 April 2019 https://doi.org/10.1002/nad.12088Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume22, Issue1Spring 2019Pages 42-42 RelatedInformation

American EthnologistVolume 44, Issue 2 p. 379-380 Book Reviews Making Refuge: Somali Bantu Refugees and Lewiston, Maine. Catherine Besteman. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016. 352 pp. JENNIFER ERICKSON, JENNIFER ERICKSON Ball State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author JENNIFER ERICKSON, JENNIFER ERICKSON Ball State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: 22 May 2017 https://doi.org/10.1111/amet.12505Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume44, Issue2May 2017Pages 379-380 RelatedInformation

This article examines the development of competing forms of fiscal citizenship in Oregon tax-related ballot initiative campaigns between 1970 and 2010. Antitax advocates constructed a “taxpayer identity politics” that positioned a privatized “taxpayer” against representatives of the state, recipients of public services, and public sector unions. In response, a progressive coalition produced an alternative citizen—the “Oregonian,” a socially responsible taxpayer/citizen who supports and defends public services and values a “common good.” “Incipient commoning” emerges as support for “the common good” through discourse about community and belonging that is more and other than, though in relation to, the state. Attention to how “publics” conceive of themselves suggests that concepts like the “the commons” already circulate in the imaginaries and vocabularies of advocates resisting neoliberal policies.

This article uses intersectional theory to explain violence against Romani women in post-war (1992-95) Bosnia-Herzegovina and the social marginalization of Bosnian Romani refugees in Fargo, North Dakota. I show how race/ethnicity, class, and gender are relational and become salient in different ways and contexts, but depend on overlapping institutional contexts and state histories to create limitations and possibilities with regards to marginalization and inclusion. Romani women in post-war Bosnia experienced high levels of violence because they were Roma, poor, and women. Understanding violence in this context meant interrogating how (post) socialism, ethnonationalism, war, and anti-Gypsy attitudes influenced Romani women specifically. Bosnian Romani refugees in Fargo were stigmatized due to racialized social practices, like early marriage and scrap metal businesses. Understanding marginalization in this context meant taking into account a history of racism against people of color in the United States, capitalism, and hegemonic expectations for refugees to assimilate into mainstream American culture.

American AnthropologistVolume 119, Issue 4 p. 782-785 OBITUARIES Sandra Lynn Morgen (1950–2016) Louise Lamphere, Louise Lamphere lamphere@unm.edu Department of Anthropology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131, USASearch for more papers by this authorJennifer Erickson, Jennifer Erickson jlerickson@bsu.edu Department of Anthropology, Ball State University, Muncie, IN 47306, USASearch for more papers by this authorLynn Stephen, Lynn Stephen stephenl@uoregon.edu Department of Anthropology, University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403, USASearch for more papers by this author Louise Lamphere, Louise Lamphere lamphere@unm.edu Department of Anthropology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131, USASearch for more papers by this authorJennifer Erickson, Jennifer Erickson jlerickson@bsu.edu Department of Anthropology, Ball State University, Muncie, IN 47306, USASearch for more papers by this authorLynn Stephen, Lynn Stephen stephenl@uoregon.edu Department of Anthropology, University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403, USASearch for more papers by this author First published: 08 October 2017 https://doi.org/10.1111/aman.12961Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume119, Issue4December 2017Pages 782-785 RelatedInformation

Refugee resettlement in the United States relies on volunteers to aid in the resettlement process. Drawing upon research in Fargo, North Dakota during 2007-2008, this paper addresses the ways in wh...

Following the signing of a 2005 peace agreement, connections between South Sudanese women in the diaspora and at "home" reveal new and gendered forms of female political subjectivity, citizenship, and activism. This article explores the emergence of transnational women's organizing efforts through a focus on a 2008 conference held in Juba, South Sudan, and hosted by the U.S.-based South Sudan Women's Empowerment Network (SSWEN). We describe the membership, mission, and goals of SSWEN, focusing on the challenges and opportunities in organizing as women across lines of class-, faith-, ethnic-regional-, and diaspora/home-based differences. We highlight the emphasis on spiritual notions of self-empowerment and feminized forms for activism in SSWEN's work, which are prioritized as a way to gain wider inclusion and recognition in society and to promote grassroots care for the community. We suggest that these emphases may be viewed as potentially liberatory, offering new opportunities for engagement in a deeply strained and politically fragile period. However, we also point to some of the limits of this approach, highlighting the ways in which an emphasis on the self and the spaces of the home and body divert responsibility from the state for postconflict reconstruction, care, and the dismantling of patriarchal systems. Our work seeks to move beyond conceptualizations of refugee women as politically disengaged in the nation-building process, instead highlighting the dynamic, overt, and yet contested organizing work of women to promote gender equality in the new South Sudan.

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