Using independently sampled Gallup World Poll survey data from 140 countries, we explored the relationship between interpersonal contact and attitudes toward migrants from a perspective not typically found in the social psychological literature. We hypothesized that respondents who report personally knowing a migrant living in their home country would be more accepting of migrants generally (using a three-item Migrant Acceptance Index (MAI) score) than respondents who do not know a migrant. Results supported our hypothesis in 134 of the 140 countries suggesting that the strong relationship between interpersonal contact and attitudes toward migrants is near-universal. We also quantified migrant acceptance at the country level, finding a wide spectrum of attitudes toward migrants. Low acceptance countries were located primarily in Eastern and Southeastern Europe and high acceptance countries were located in Northern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. We discuss these results in the context of interpersonal contact theory (Allport, 1954) and the larger context of global migration.
ターミネーター養成学校 品質管理 人的機能と重要なシグナル 感情こそが現実である 顧客と情緒的な結びつきを築く 情緒的な結びつき:信頼と誠実さ 情緒的な結びつき:誇りと情熱 顧客の脳を味方にせよ、そうすれば心もついてくる 企業と従業員の結びつき 従業員との結びつきを築く バラつきから生まれる災い ヒューマン・シグマ ヒューマン・シグマの戦略と戦術:評価・介入・鼓舞 評価の必要性 介入に対する需要 鼓舞の必要性
Si las organizaciones de ventas y servicios quieren mejorar, deben aprender a medir y gestionar la calidad del encuentro entre empleado y cliente. Metodos de mejoramiento de la calidad como Seis Sigma son muy utiles en los ambitos de manufactura, pero menos cuando se trata de interacciones humanas. Para atacar este problema, los autores han desarrollado un enfoque que llaman el Sigma Humano. Este une metodo consistente para evaluar el contacto empleado-cliente con un proceso disciplinado para gestionarlo y mejorarlo. Existen varios principios para medir y gestionar el contacto empleado-cliente. Es importante no pensar como economista o ingeniero cuando se examina las interacciones, porque las emociones influyen en la conducta y el juicio de ambas partes. La interaccion debe ser medida y gestionada localmente, porque existen variaciones enormes de calidad al nivel de grupo o de individuo. Y para mejorar la calidad de la interaccion empleado-cliente, las empresas tienen que realizar intervenciones transaccionales de corto plazo, y transformacionales de largo plazo. El compromiso de los empleados y el de los clientes estan intimamente conectados, y si se toman en conjunto, tienen un poderoso efecto sobre el desempeno financiero. Por eso deben ser gestionados de manera holistica. Es decir, la responsabilidad de medir y monitorear la salud de la relacion empleado-cliente debe residir en una estructura unica. Sin embargo, el ejecutivo local sigue siendo el factor mas importante para el desempeno de un grupo local.
This chapter presents a relational perspective as a framework for understanding the ways in which tactical communication and impression management can frame and channel social interaction and self-perception processes. The chapter describes a class of social dilemmas that current theories of communication, impression management, self-presentation, and interpersonal perception largely ignore. The chapter offers the metaphor as a heuristic and useful organizational framework for considering several varieties of human tactical communication and social interaction behavior. The chapter examines the tactical-communicative and self-concept maintenance properties of relational-regulation behaviors (distancing and embracing behaviors, and mixed or hidden message communications). The chapter surveys a program of experimental research that examines both the inter- and intrapersonal consequences of relational regulation. This research suggests that applying a relational-regulation perspective to interpersonal behavior may help organize and synthesize research and theory from a number of disparate areas—including dispositional inference, self-perception, impression management, psycholinguistics, symbolic interactionism, and interpersonal communication.
This study investigated 2 properties of distancing behaviors-a class of deliberate and inadvertent behaviors that insulate persons from the consequences of negative self-discrepant behavior and signal that they should not be associated with that behavior. In Phase 1, high-choice Ss in a multiple audience variation of the induced compliance paradigm who read counterattitudinal essays on affirmative action in the presence of a Black woman did not show typical dissonance-induced attitude change. Phase 2 found that this absence of attitude change was significantly related to the extent to which Ss distanced themselves from their essays before reading them. In Phase 3, distancing behaviors also served as discounting cues for naive observers and were significantly related to their ratings of Ss' attitudes. These results are discussed in terms of the self-regulatory and communicative roles of distancing behaviors in social interaction.
In two experiments we examined first, whether observers given information about a film actor's personality would infer correspondent dispositions from a role he played in a film, and second, the impact these judgments have on subsequent dispositional judgments made from constrained behavior of different targets. In both experiments, observers received a fictitious description of the primary actor as either interpersonally warm and sensitive or interpersonally cold and callous. Observers then watched one of two clips-depicting the primary actor playing a role that was either congruent or incongruent with the description they had received-taken from his films. Finally, observers rated the primary actor's true personality. Results showed that observers who watched a congruent film clip provided significantly more extreme correspondent dispositional ratings than did subjects who saw an incongruent clip. Following the ratings of the primary actor, all observers watched other targets engaged in constrained behavior. Observers who had received congruent information about the primary actor, especially when that information was uniformly positive, provided significantly more extreme correspondent dispositional ratings of these subsequent targets than did observers who had previously received incongruent information. Further, these observers indicated that they would be more surprised to see the actors engaged in opposite behavior and cited dispositional factors to explain the targets' constrained behavior, whereas observers of the incongruent sequence indicated that they would be less surprised and cited situational factors to explain the actors' actions. We discuss the implications of these findings and counterfactual thinking for the study of dispositional inference and correspondence bias.
We examined how senders communicate hidden messages to an audience while simultaneously conveying a credible but misleading message to a second audience. Senders made two sets of videotapes communicating the locations of secret meetings and expressing preferences between pairs of objects. We then showed these sets of videotapes, each consisting of a truthful, a misleading, and two hidden message communications intended for different sets of audiences, to four observer audiences: the other senders, a group of the senders' friends, a group of adult strangers, and a group of the senders' parents. Results showed that regardless of the audience or audiences for which the hidden messages were intended, senders successfully communicated their hidden messages to the intended audiences; the hidden messages went undetected by the unintended audiences. Specifically, senders used various encryption systems (hand signals and teenage argot) to communicate their messages. We discuss these findings in terms of strategic communication processes.
This study examined how features of both the situation and the target's behavior may lead observers to infer that a target has exerted control over a random event-in this case a roll of the dice in a game of backgammon. Observers read stories about a game of backgammon in which the male target either strongly wished for one particular outcome of the roll of the dice or was indifferent and in which either the target rolled the dice himself or a third party rolled the dice for him. Results showed that when the target desired a particular consequence of the dice roll in advance and rolled the dice himself, observers were more likely to see him as having exerted influence over the dice roll, were willing to wager more that he could roll the same number again, and rated luck as less influential in producing the dice roll outcome. These results are discussed from the perspective of illusory perceptions of control that might explain why observers inferred an actor's intentions from the actor's production of an event generally regarded as random.
Examined how communicators send mixed messages containing an explicit surface content and a covert hidden content. In Study 1, Ss wrote constrained essays presenting either an introverted or extraverted personality. Although authors reported manipulating essay credibility and readers reported relying on credibility to make their judgments, readers succumbed to correspondence bias. In Studies 2 and 3, Ss again prepared either constrained essays (Study 2) or constrained videotapes (Study 3) and included in them a hidden message that would be understood by only their friends but not by strangers. Observers then read these essays or watched these videotapes. Friends detected and decoded the hidden messages, whereas strangers did not. We discuss these findings in terms of social perception and strategic communication.