Euro-humanism often appears progressive while masking its complicity with oppressive systems. The concept of Euro-humanism cannot be considered in isolation, as its foundational knowledge is intricately linked with the dynamics of racial capitalism and imperialism. This article explores the roots and lasting influence of Euro-humanist thought on modern humanism. It calls for a new humanist epistemology that goes beyond the exploitative rationale of Euro-humanism. This involves creating models that recognize every human being’s intrinsic value. Realizing this humanism requires using knowledge systems of Othered people to radically reshape it.

In an age when many professors, politicians, and everyday people are harassed and threatened for their political views and lifestyles, this presidential address asks that we reflect about people as historical and social actors. It urges us to be resolute in the face of a changing world and generous enough to recognize change is an outcome of people’s actions. As such, can unmake what we the people create. The address contends that it is essential for social scientists to direct our attention to the great struggles and issues of our time in a collaborative effort with everyday people to create a truly beloved community. Consider that most academicians are not in a collaborative mood C. Wright Mills’s poignantly stated: “it is one thing to talk about general problems . . . , and quite another to tell an individual what to do. Most ‘experts’ dodge that question. I do not want to.” This address urges reluctant social scientists to step into struggle for creation of the beloved community. It asks us to consider the contributions of actors and epistemologies of regions in the nation and around the world. Moreover, the address asks that we confront the obstacles fueling our reluctance to engage struggles for liberation.

In this paper, we outline the contours of the history of oppression toward Palestinians to discern how the settler colonial racial capitalist state of Israel generates alienation in Palestinians. To accomplish this, we explore how the Global North disregards and/or participates in propping up Israel's oppressive structural processes for stripping Palestinians of their land, resources, and identity. This includes the Palestinian healthcare system that has suffered decades of deliberate neglect, under-development, and strategic fragmentation, which hindered its coronavirus disease response. We conclude with implications and suggestions for rethinking not only how Palestinians are racialized and alienated as 'others' in a settler colonial racial capitalist system of oppression, but how the slow process of identity erosion (and perversion) works to dehumanize and justify the dispossession of Palestinians.

In this article, we argue that the concept of racial microaggression is a white supremacy construct that is an ideological and discursive anti‐Black practice. We discuss how microaggressions’ reduction of historical and hegemonic white supremacy to everyday relations that are merely performative, not integral to sustaining such larger forces, is an analytical shortcoming. We contend that without the adequate heft of historical white supremacy as a part of capitalist and colonial expansion, genocide, and Indigenous erasure, microaggression scholars will remain enthralled with the idea that individual behavior changes can eradicate anti‐Black violence.

Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed was an intellectual and education-changing experience for me in graduate school that continues to shape how I teach, research, and engage the world. Freire’s theory of conscientização (translated from Portuguese as “critical consciousness,” “consciousness raising,” or “critical awareness”) clarified for me Carter G. Woodson’s and Amilcar Cabral’s contentions about the importance of culture in liberating oppressed people. Freire’s book revealed for me the intricate process through which societal systems of oppression, like white supremacy, solidify their domination through organized control of people’s cultural lives. Similar to C. Wright Mills’s sociological imagination, Freire’s conscientização theory provided me with a collaboration road map for creating my and everyday people’s capacity to transform ourselves and the world. To arrive here, Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed convincingly illustrates how people could be equipped with the ability to “read” the society around them. To develop this efficacy, Freire contends it is important for people to see through the false notion that the educational process is neutral. Accepting this fallacious assumption leads people to be unreflective about how power shapes education, which in turn informs how we make sense of oppressive conditions and ourselves. This simple but crucial insight made it clear to me that my research and teaching must always dispel the notion that education and science are apolitical to facilitate people’s movement away from being passive recipients of knowledge. To ensure this change, Pedagogy of the Oppressed advocates engaging in a “problem-posing” approach whereby people are active participants in the development of knowledge. This approach virtually guarantees that people link knowledge to action to actively work toward changing society. To liberate oppressed people’s minds and bodies from oppression, Freire, like Karl Marx, Antonio Gramsci, Aimé Césaire, and Stuart Hall, noted that the first step is for the oppressed to reject oppressors’ conceptions of their reality and themselves. By making this break, the oppressed eschew the assumed supremacy of oppressors’ culture (ways of knowing and living) to embrace their own power to make history and transform the world. For culture carries the seeds of liberation from oppression, given it is a reservoir of history that evolves and equips the oppressed with a repertoire of existing and newly created reactions to sociopolitical and economic oppression. Pedagogy of the Oppressed remains my constant companion throughout my endeavor to help create a humancentered world grounded in human decency, dignity, and rights. 869595 SREXXX10.1177/2332649219869595Sociology of Race and EthnicityBook Review research-article2019

“Race” is a human invention that is deeply institutionalized within society as racial practices and understandings shaping how people interact and perceive reality. By changing how it is approached and discussed “race” as an ideology is adept at transforming and adapting to societal shifts and resistance without significantly altering its basic structures. The ideology of color blindness represents a new “race” alteration. This study evaluates how color blindness as a normative sensemaking frame operates as a rhetorical mask that obscures researchers’ racial thinking in genomics. Drawing on 20 open-ended primary interviews with genomicists from various subfields, the article demonstrates that it is impossible to comprehend the persistence of racial thinking in genomics without considering how color-blind racial definitions and engagements mediate genomicists’ understanding of genomics.

Race is a human invention that is deeply institutionalized within society as racial practices and understandings shaping how people interact and perceive reality. By changing how it is approached and discussed race as an ideology is adept at transforming and adapting to societal shifts and resistance without significantly altering its basic structures. The ideology of color blindness represents a new race alteration. This study evaluates how color blindness as a normative sensemaking frame operates as a rhetorical mask that obscures researchers' racial thinking in genomics. Drawing on 20 open-ended primary interviews with genomicists from various subfields, the article demonstrates that it is impossible to comprehend the persistence of racial thinking in genomics without considering how color-blind racial definitions and engagements mediate genomicists' understanding of genomics.

Genomics is a complex field of study involving researchers and practitioners immersed in the social milieu from which their genetic theories and comprehensions in part emerge. Genomic researchers' embeddedness in social formations with distinct ideologies predisposes them to construct hypotheses about genetics with value-laden assumptions. Given genomics' inseparability from social influences this article explores how its use with marginalized groups has eugenic implications. Several important links between eugenics and genomics are identified suggesting eugenic implications in genomics.

This study evaluates the extent to which the moneyed establishment influences Obama's politics and policy positions. Drawing on insights from power structure theory, the article elaborates on how Obama's acceptance of the moneyed elite's political, economic, and cultural hegemony as normative and determinate of everyday reality configures his policies. Drawing primarily on secondary sources (i.e. journal articles, public speeches, newspapers, magazine interviews, and Internet sites) that scrutinize government policies and the appointees who formulate them, this study suggests that the American political system's narrow commercial parameters incline Obama to govern as the presidential facilitator and protector of private financial interest.

Science is delving into genetics more deeply and thoroughly than ever before, and in the process, scientists are uncovering new layers of "truth" about the essence of humanity and human disease. But in a social world colored by inequalities and value judgments that place some members of humanity above others, to what degree is genome science codifying ideology in our very genes? Thirty secondary interviews with genome researchers from various subfields are analyzed to determine the extent to which the ideology of "race" enters their discourse on genome variation. Findings suggest that unexamined and unrecognized racial thinking is an integral part of genetic researchers' interpretations and understandings of genetic variation.

(Department of Sociology, Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut)Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture , edited by Susan Murray and LaurieOuellette. New York: New York University Press, 2004. 352 pp. $65.00(cloth). ISBN: 0Ð8147Ð5687Ð5. $22.00 (paper). ISBN: 0Ð8147Ð5688Ð3.Talking Trash: The Cultural Politics of Daytime TV Talk Shows , by Julie EngelManga. New York: New York University Press, 2003. 264 pp. $60.00(cloth). ISBN: 0Ð8147Ð5683Ð2. $22.00 (paper). ISBN: 0Ð8147Ð5684Ð0.The Money Shot: Trash, Class, and the Making of TV Talk Shows, by LauraGrindsta . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002. 325 pp. $65.00(cloth). ISBN: 0Ð226Ð30909Ð6. $20.00 (paper). ISBN: 0Ð226Ð30911Ð8.While scholarly analyses of reality TV and its daytime talk show vari-ants are increasing, research has just begun to examine how guests, pro-duction sta , and viewers make sense of these shows. Research on talkshows and reality TV usually focus on their content Omaking claimsabout what the shows OareO or the possibilities they represent, taking arange of positionsO (Manga, p. 7). GamsonOs (1998) study on talk showsand sexual nonconformity exempli “es research in this area with its con-tention that talk shows facilitate the development of new discursive prac-tices when they publicize the lives of marginalized groups. Speci“cally,he argues that reality TV provides people who are largely excluded fromthe public sphere with a communal venue for normalizing their beingand cultural identities.The three works under review o er a more extensive critique of real-ity TVOs discursive production using various approaches. The “rst assesseshow reality TV viewers make sense of these shows, the second investigates

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsDaylanne K. English, Unnatural Selections: Eugenics in American Modernism and the Harlem RenaissanceJohnny WilliamsJohnny Williams Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 90, Number 4Fall 2005 A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHv90n4p434 Views: 10Total views on this site PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Are religious ideological antecedents factors in the emergence of African American social protest? If so, how do these factors translate African American discontent into political action? Rather than proceed from standard renditions of social movement analysis that argue structural opportunities motivate people to act, this paper contends that culture motivates many people to become and remain involved in collective action. The civil rights movement in Arkansas is examined to explain how religious ideas enable movements to emerge and endure in the face of tremendous opposition and uncertain prospects for movement success. Findings suggest that in the context of oppression ideas can help motivate, guide, and give meaning to protest.