Examining the rich history of subnational electoral reforms in Canada, we identify three distinct waves of reform, as well as three paradoxical trends pertaining to both the nature of the proposed alternative system and the process by which reform was attempted. First, while reduced constraints and lower stakes at the municipal level should encourage more frequent electoral experimentation, changes to provincial legislation have left many local governments without the authority to alter their own electoral rules. Second, despite the fact that public engagement has become a key aspect of modern reform efforts, governments have compensated by introducing new obstacles. Third, governments often employ different processes depending on the nature of the proposed change, subjecting reforms aiming to (re)introduce plurality to fewer hurdles.

Almost all academic literature about the causes and consequences of fairness of elections and referenda is based on retrospective evaluations. One of the strongest findings of such studies is that nonvoting is higher among citizens who retrospectively perceived an election as unfair. However, on logical grounds, it is impossible to attribute lower rates of voting to retrospectively perceived unfairness because at the time of the vote citizens can only rely on their prospective expectations of fairness. Moreover, it is well documented that retrospective evaluations are strongly influenced by the outcome of the election which is, at the time of voting, still unknown. In view of the dearth of earlier studies on prospective views of electoral fairness, this article presents the first major exploratory analyses of determinants and consequences of prospective expectations of electoral fairness. Using data from Britain about expectations of fairness of three general elections and two referenda in the period between 2014 and 2019, it shows that the public hold mixed views about the fairness they expect to find when voting. The article demonstrates that these prospective fairness beliefs are sometimes noticeably different to retrospective beliefs in terms of their predictors. Moreover, in sharp contrast to literature based on retrospective evaluations, this article also finds that prospective evaluations do not importantly affect the decision to vote. These findings have important implications for how we understand and evaluate the inclusiveness of elections.

This chapter focuses on core design features concerned with the ‘deliberative experience.’ It starts by identifying the guiding principles in design – inclusiveness, equality in participation and integrity – and then discusses core design features relating to the deliberative experience. DMPs are dynamic processes. Flexibility and appropriateness of the design to the particular DMP’s purpose, size, and mandate are critical.

This article addresses a critical gap in the literature on winner–loser effects that consists of the lack of attention for highly contentious constitutional referenda. It uses unique multi-wave panel data of over 13,000 people that is unrivalled in size and richness. We estimate causal effects of the referendum on rarely studied but crucial public perceptions of the fairness of the way a referendum is conducted. These perceptions pertain to the highly contentious 2016 European Union (Brexit) referendum in the United Kingdom, which is an ideal-type example of a wider class of referenda for which similar outcomes can be expected. We use difference-in-differences methods and find winner–loser effects of a magnitude far greater than ever observed for general elections. Moreover, we find that these effects not only persist, but even grow over time. The findings have profound implications for the use of such referenda.

This chapter introduces the principal core design features of Deliberative Mini-Publics (DMPs): their composition; the format of their deliberations; the topics they discuss; and their outputs. Drawing mostly on the POLITICIZE inventory of DMPs organized by national and regional public authorities across Europe since 2000, this chapter argues that DMPs take a wide variety of forms in terms of composition, format, the policy issues they discuss and the process of producing and approving their final reports. All these elements show the need for careful examination of DMPs, by scholars, political actors, practitioners and interested citizens.

This chapter describes the outputs of DMPs: both the conclusions that mini-publics reach and the ways in which these are presented to wider audiences. It also investigates how these outputs are developed and how much meaning should be attached to them. There are substantial variations across DMPs on these matters. Nevertheless, all mini-publics present the considered judgments of their participants on the matters before them, and many also provide valuable insights into the reasoning underlying these judgments. There is good reason to think that those conclusions are meaningful and therefore deserve to be taken seriously by decision-makers further down the policy-making process.

This chapter uses real-world examples to show how DMPs can be integrated into the wider democratic system, supplementing and reinforcing institutions of representative democracy and beyond, thus presenting the conceptual, actual and potential role of DMPs. The relationship of DMPs to the key arenas and practices of will formation and decision making are discussed, as well as how DMPs can be combined with other practices. Of course, DMPs are no panacea, but the examples presented suggest that DMPs can enhance democratic will-formation, decision making, and empowered inclusion. Much depends on how the DMPs are sequenced into a process.

The Census is carried in England and Wales every 10 years and gathers information on every household in the population. We conducted a survey two weeks prior to the official census date and measured intention to complete the census. We find that men, the young, and those in rented accommodation are significantly less likely to state an intention to complete the census. We also found a large effect of generalized trust and trust in scientists.

Deliberative mini-publics (DMPs) are gaining popularity as a way to engage ordinary citizens in policymaking. From climate assemblies to online citizen panels on Covid19, these initiatives raise questions about effective approaches to democratic reform as well as the future of democracy itself. Bringing together ten leading scholars in the field of deliberative democracy, this important book examines the features of a Deliberative Mini-Public (DMP) and considers how DMPs link into democratic systems. It examines the core design features of DMPs and their role in the broader policy process and takes stock of the characteristics that distinguish them from other forms of citizen participation. The book offers valuable insights into the contributions that DMPs can make not only to the policy process, but also to the broader agenda of revitalising democracy in contemporary times.

This chapter examines the bases of deliberative mini-publics’ (DMPs) internal and external legitimacy and discusses how their outputs can influence collective decision-making. It addresses some of the most contentious issues in the field of democratic innovations today including: To what extent should deliberative mini-publics shape decision-making? Should DMPs be empowered to make binding decisions? Are they better off taking an advisory role? What is the basis of DMPs’ legitimacy in the first place?

The Committee on Standards in Public Life's (CSPL) 2019 report Local Government Ethical Standards presents a detailed review of local government ethics in England, aiming to highlight both best practice and areas for improvement. In so doing, it makes 26 recommendations ranging in importance. Likely to be one of the most important, and most controversial, is a recommendation to allow local authorities to suspend democratically-elected councillors for up to six months. This paper presents a review of the report and its recommendations, with a particular emphasis on the 'values-versus-compliance' distinction in ethical regulation. Impact Policy-makers and practitioners are often faced with difficult choices concerning ethical regulation, and attempts to improve ethical regulations can sometimes cause new and unexpected problems. The authors review the Committee on Standards in Public Life's report Local Government Ethical Standards, placing the ethical challenges and opportunities for unintended consequences into the values-vs-compliance framework. The paper will be useful for policy-makers and regulators concerned with local government in England, who may be charged with implementing aspects of this report, while the broader issues discussed about the challenges of ethical regulations and the limits of compliance-based policies will be useful in a wide range of contexts and countries.

Fake News appears to be the most modern of social problems. After bursting onto the scene in 2016, spurred in no small part by then Presidential candidate Trump and his commitment to a post-truth s...

Shale gas extraction is a highly controversial process. Despite significant proven or potential reserves, public reaction to extraction have often been negative. In some cases, this has prevented exploration. In this paper, we investigate the structure of public attitudes to shale gas extraction in the context of the United Kingdom, using a dedicated survey of 4992 respondents. We find that public attitudes to shale gas extraction have a unidimensional structure, such that all questions about the virtues and limitations of extraction are treated as a single issue. Nonetheless, this general structure masks two distinct attitudinal structures. Those with more familiarity with shale gas have a very strong unidimensional attitudinal structure, while those with the least familiarity have a two-dimensional attitudinal structure; representing distinctions between perceived positive and negative attributes. This suggests an important role for information in conditioning responses to shale gas, a factor with implications for how government addresses policy relating to shale gas extraction.

In Britain, levels of political trust have declined, stimulating policy makers to explore ways of appealing to discontented citizens. One such initiative involves reform of the political system. Yet, this raises the question of which types of political reform are likely to appeal to discontented citizens. Existing studies have examined how individuals respond to political reforms, yet these studies only consider a limited range of institutional changes. Scholars and policy makers thus know little about the popular appeal of a wider set of institutional reforms. Taking advantage of proposals for political reform in Britain, this article considers public reactions to a wide range of institutional changes. Using data from the 2011 British Social Attitudes survey, we find that direct democratic reforms are not the only changes that appeal to discontented citizens. Instead, policy makers may also appeal to the distrustful via reforms that allow voters more control over their political representatives.

This paper studies mortgage contract choices in US history using a first-of-its-kind sample of residential loans from 1930 and 1940, linked to the decennial censuses. Contract choices reflected borrowers' reactions to the risks posed by different contracts. The majority of borrowers chose contracts with the longest available terms, despite required frequent amortization, likely in order to avoid refinancing risk and to maximize leverage. In contrast, the most creditworthy borrowers with high socioeconomic status preferred short-term contracts, confident that they could refinance at will. The combination of short terms and frequent amortization was unpopular, used disproportionately by the least creditworthy. Between 1930 and 1940, contract use shifted toward longer term contracts, reflecting the advent of federal involvement in the residential mortgage market.

Corruption is one of the most important issues facing the world today, yet despite its importance, there remains significant confusion about exactly what corruption is. A multitude of definitions have been advanced, but there remains an inability to offer an authoritative definition. While this could be merely a reflection of trivial variations on the same theme, it is possible that it reflects substantive disagreements that may suggest that the current understanding of the conceptual nature of corruption is inadequate for the purposes to which it is put. This article critically reviews a variety of different approaches to defining and conceptualising corruption, suggesting potential areas of weakness in the definitions. The article then applies these definitions against a series of scenarios of putatively corrupt behaviour in an attempt to map the scope of the definitions. This analysis finds limited agreement between definitions about which behaviours ought to be classified as corrupt, which in turn reveals a limited ability to apply the concept of corruption definitively. Given the substantive importance of corruption, and the political importance of corruption evaluations, it appears that current understandings of corruption are not adequate.