1. A pioneering study which generated much debate is Reşat Kasaba, Çağlar Keyder, and Faruk Tabak, “Eastern Mediterranean port cities and their bourgeoisies: merchants, political projects, and nation-states,” Review (Fernand Braudel Center) 10, no. 1 (1986): 121–135. 2. See, for example, Jens Hanssen, Thomas Philipp, and Stefan Weber (eds.), The empire in the city: Arab provincial capitals in the late Ottoman Empire (Würzburg: Ergon Verlag, 2002); Marie-Carmen Smyrnelis (ed.), Smyrne, la ville oubliée: mémoires d’un grand port ottoman, 1830–1930 (Paris : Éditions Autrement, 2006); Sibel Zandi-Sayek, Ottoman Izmir: the rise of a cosmopolitan port, 1840–1880 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2012); Meltem Toksöz and Biray Kolluoğlu (eds.), Cities of the Mediterranean: from the Ottomans to the present day (London: I.B. Tauris, 2014); Will Hanley, Identifying with nationality: Europeans, Ottomans, and Egyptians in Alexandria (New York: Columbia University Press, 2017). 3. See, for example, Ilham Khuri-Makdisi, The Eastern Mediterranean and the making of global capitalism, 1860–1914 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010); Julia A. ClancySmith, Mediterraneans: North Africa and Europe in the age of migration, c. 1800–1900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011); Judith E. Tucker (ed.), The making of the modern Mediterranean: views from the south (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2019).

Mark Mazower's contribution dissects the role of thinking about the future, particularly in the critical period of the second half of the 19th century, in shaping the city's modern identity. The gradual inclusion of Thessaloniki in the global capitalist economy brought with it a teleological idea of History and the modernist idea of progress which began to make an impact upon the city in concrete ways. The demolition of the medieval walls and the expansion of the port under an active governor, Sabri Pasha, during the 1870s, signaled a more active role for the state in shaping this future. Even more ambitious was the urban planning of Ernest Hébrard after the 1912–1913 Balkan Wars and the 1917 fire. As Thessaloniki bifurcated between a traditional Upper City and a European Lower City, it also expanded outwards with the new European neighborhoods, primarily toward the east. This physical transformation proceeded in parallel with the flourishing of nationalism.

This groundbreaking book investigates the religious issues that businesses confront as they expand their global activity and proposes that corporations can become instruments of peace. Timothy Fort discusses the newly emerging idea of “peace through commerce,” and he argues powerfully that today’s businesses have the capacity to foster both peace and religious harmony. Fort asks and answers important questions: How might businesses integrate spirituality into corporate affairs? How can spirituality contribute to the production of high-quality goods and services? What can be done to promote a spiritual connection between employees and their work? Can this be done without provoking religious animosities? What business practices might encourage an atmosphere in which constructive dialogue among spiritual traditions could proceed? The author concludes that by implementing the peaceful practices advocated by religions at their best, businesses can both nurture religious harmony and strengthen their communities.

European Law JournalVolume 22, Issue 3 p. 375-385 Original Article Fascism and Democracy Today: What Use Is the Study of History in the Current Crisis? Mark Mazower, Mark MazowerIra D. Wallach Professor of World Order Studies and Professor of History, Columbia University.Search for more papers by this author Mark Mazower, Mark MazowerIra D. Wallach Professor of World Order Studies and Professor of History, Columbia University.Search for more papers by this author First published: 20 June 2016 https://doi.org/10.1111/eulj.12176Citations: 3 Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume22, Issue3May 2016Pages 375-385 RelatedInformation

Keith Brown's new book aims to demonstrate that the supposedly passive and “fatalistic peasants” of Ottoman Macedonia were in fact capable of sustained political mobilization. He takes as his central problem the question of how at the start of the twentieth century the Secret Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization (MRO) was able to grow so rapidly from a tiny band of conspirators to an organization capable of fielding some 20,000 participants in the Ilinden uprising of 1903. His attention is particularly directed toward the nature of the surviving archival remains which he scours closely and attentively, often reading against the grain, for clues to this conundrum. Other scholars have traversed some of this territory before. Duncan M. Perry's The Politics of Terror: The Macedonian Liberation Movements, 1893–1903 (1988) provides the classic account of the evolution of the revolutionary movement itself, especially the leadership's navigation of the frequent internecine struggles and schisms that bedeviled it. Vasilis Gounaris has demonstrated the usefulness of the Greek archives in attempting to understand the fluidity of peasant loyalties and Brown's fellow anthropologist, Anastasia Karakasidou, effected something similar through a historical ethnography of one small market town. Most recently, İpek Yosmaoğlu, in Blood Ties: Religion, Violence and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 (2013), has utilized both Ottoman and European archives to demonstrate the ways in which national categories were imposed upon an agrarian society. Brown's purpose is subtly different: he is less concerned about national allegiances—in a sense he takes these for granted—than about reclaiming a story of peasant agency and defiance. He enlists two sets of archives. One is the reports of British consuls and their agents in the region, which describe in often graphic detail the endemic violence that spread rapidly across Macedonia at the start of the twentieth century. The other is very different: a series of pension applications made to the Yugoslav Macedonian government between 1948 and 1954 by elderly men and women who had been members of MRO in the period of the Ilinden uprising. These applications say little about the episodes of violence upon which the consuls lay such store; but they provide often illuminating detail about the way in which MRO operated as an organization.

This review of Martin Conway’s The Sorrows of Belgium notes its emphasis on continuities across the liberation and its implicit reperiodisation of Belgian history so that the 1960s rather than 1945 mark the real break with the country’s nineteenth century past. Conway argues that this continuity was facilitated by a widespread desire for a return to normalcy, a desire which helped political elites inside and outside parliament reassert the central role of the state in the country’s life. Mark Mazower also discusses Conway’s treatment of political ideas, especially those that emerged in response to the occupation. This review is part of the discussion forum 'The Sorrows of Belgium' (Martin Conway).Succes van een Belgische politieke eliteDeze bespreking van Martin Conway’s The Sorrows of Belgium benadrukt de continuïteit na de bevrijding en de impliciete nieuwe periodisering van de Belgische geschiedenis die in Conway’s boek centraal staan, waarbij de jaren 1960 in plaats van 1945 de echte breuk met het negentiende-eeuwse verleden van het land markeren. Conway stelt dat deze continuïteit werd vergemakkelijkt door een wijdverbreid verlangen naar normaliteit, een wens die de politieke elites binnen en buiten het parlement hielp de centrale rol van de staat in het dagelijkse leven opnieuw te bevestigen. Mark Mazower bespreekt ook Conway’s uiteenzetting van politieke ideeën, met name de ideeën die ontstonden als reactie op de bezetting. Deze recensie maakt deel uit van het discussiedossier 'The Sorrows of Belgium' (Martin Conway).

Previous articleNext article No AccessArticleThe End of EurocentrismMark MazowerMark Mazower Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Critical Inquiry Volume 40, Number 4Summer 2014Around 1948: Interdisciplinary Approaches to Global Transformation, edited by Leela Gandhi and Deborah L. Nelson Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/676409 Views: 623Total views on this site © 2014 by The University of Chicago. 0093-1896/14/4004-0007$10.00. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Neven Andjelic is a political journalist and commentator who has been living in London since April 1993. A member of the first post-Communist generation, he helped—through his radio and television shows—to make Sarajevo the centre of the progressive media in the former Yugoslavia. By early 1992 his increasingly outspoken and irreverent opposition to Bosnia's political elite made him enormously popular among ordinary Sarajevans. On the eve of the war, he emerged as one of the leaders of a spontaneous peace movement in which tens of thousands of people took to the streets, braving snipers and barricades, to make known their opposition to the nationalist politicians of every stripe. In the days before the war started, he headed an occupation of the parliament building which forced the government to resign. He is currently writing an account of the origins of the war in Sarajevo. Mark Mazower is Reader in History at Sussex University.