Mental institutions are a modern development. Although born of society's sense of need and scientific advances in psychiatry and psychology, their purpose and function have remained controversial since inception. Much of the controversy arose from the legal aspects of placing people in mental institutions. The expectations that society and the judiciary have about the ability of mental health professionals to treat persons committed to mental institutions have produced great debate. This article will review the history of mental institutions and describe the types of legal commitments for persons with mental impairment. Legal issues pertaining to the patients' commitment and their treatment will also be presented.

We examined all completed suicides by children and adolescents in Los Angeles County who died during 1996 and 1997. There were 46 subjects, aged 11 through 16. The majority of the decedents were males and over age 14. The predominant racial group was Hispanic. There was an almost even split between firearms and hanging as the means of death. Females had a statistically significantly higher rate of prior suicide attempts than males. Over one-third left a suicide note, almost one-half were noted to be depressed, and 22% tested positive for alcohol or illicit drugs. Less than one-quarter were in mental health treatment. Eighty-seven percent had difficulty transitioning to or during adolescence; e.g., problems at home, legal and school difficulties, and relationship losses. These findings are discussed in terms of Eriksonian developmental theory. We offer recommendations for intervention and prevention of suicide.

Self-inflicted contact gunshot wounds to the head have usually been considered presumptive of suicide. This study evaluates whether sufficient psychological data are gathered in such cases to support a manner of death determination of suicide. We suggest that law enforcement agencies and coroner's departments do not fully explore the decedent's state of mind at the time of death. We studied the first 50 consecutive deaths in 1993 in a major metropolitan county due to self-inflicted gunshot wounds to the head. The sample consists primarily of unmarried, white males, with a median age of 35 years, who displayed psychiatric disturbance, primarily depression, before their death. Younger individuals were often under the influence of alcohol and/or drugs at the time of death. Stressors, such as the loss of a loved one, are common among young and middle-aged persons, while serious health problems are found among the majority of middle-aged and elderly individuals. Many of the findings of this study are consistent with the literature regarding individuals who commit suicide. Although data on many important psychological risk factors are missing in most cases, sufficient psychological material is gathered about the decedent's mental condition at the time of death to support a suicide determination.

Mental health clinicians are increasingly held civilly liable for the dangerous acts of their psychiatric patients. One area of liability is the negligent release of involuntarily committed patients who engage in dangerous acts after their hospital discharge. All states have provisions for extended involuntary commitment for mentally ill dangerous patients. We examined extended civil commitment petitions in Los Angeles County, California, and found that the great majority were rejected. While the standard for extended civil commitment in California includes verbal threats of substantial physical harm, deputy district attorneys tended to reject petitions initiated by clinicians when verbal threats were the sole criterion of dangerousness. This tendency by deputy district attorneys can be quite confusing for clinicians. Mental health professionals' liability has sensitized them to the legal implications of patients' verbal threats of harm; attorneys do not incur the same legal liability and are not so sensitized.