This article investigates the internal structure of NPs headed by the restrictive particle only in English. The working assumption is that despite the high syntactic mobility of the particle, noun phrases headed by only exhibit a uniform structure and a fairly uniform syntactic behaviour. The paper investigates the merge configuration of the particle and its syntactic positions in the clause structure and it proves, in the frame of the copy theory of movement, that the structure of the only-phrase is unitary in all three configurations (only-NP, only-vP, LP only) the apparent differences being due to different spell-out options.

The article analyses the semantic properties of the restrictive focus particle only. It argues for a unitary treatment of only as an adverbial quantifier over properties of events. The study shows that the scope interactions that the particle creates support this analysis, that is the lack of interaction with D-type quantifiers and scope ambiguities created in the presence of A-quantifiers and other sentential operators such as modals and negation. Scope ambiguities, and particularly the interaction with negation, are used to determine the position of only in the LF structure of the sentence.

The paper contrasts the exceptive constructions containing the particle decât in Romanian, namely nu…decât and nu…alt+ceva/cineva decât, considering the semantic and syntactic properties of these two constructions against the background of the analysis proposed by von Fintel (1993) for English exceptive constructions. It will be shown that (i) exceptives have a common core semantic content but they differ crosslinguistically especially in terms of syntactic behaviour; (ii) the two Romanian constructions differ semantically and syntactically and do not support an ellipsis analysis. Based on synchronic properties as well as diachronic data the paper proposes that these are two independent constructions, the first one containing a null quantifier. Given the semantic similarities between this construction and doar and numai, the paper argues for a uniform treatment of restrictive focus particles.

In the present work we discuss the syntactic behaviour of the Romanian focus particle doar. Through out the paper we will argue for a unitary analysis of doar as a contrastive focus marker attempting to provide a syntactic account which will explain the effects that doar has on sentence interpretation and in particular its interaction with negation. We will claim that the traditional notion of contrastive focus encapsulates in fact two different features checked in two different positions of the functional domain.

The aim of the current study is to support the implementation of the HACCP plan in bottled water plants in order to ensure safety of the end-products. A flow diagram for a well-known mineral carbonated water brand was considered and the specific risks were analyzed according to the process. This overview of the safety issues through a HACCP approach should allow producers to better understand the importance of the safety practices at the plant and consumers to be well informed on the hazards associated with bottled water.

A kinetic study was performed on the effect of thermal treatment in the temperature range of 62.5-78°C on the susceptibility of β-lactoglobulin (β-LG) to enzymatic hydrolysis by trypsin at 37°C and 7.5. Heat treatment results in a relative increase in degree of hydrolysis after 10 min of hydrolysis, as monitored by pH-stat technique. The time-dependent changes in the degree of hydrolysis were described by a fractional conversion model, which enables calculations of activation energy. β-LG seems to be heat-sensitive for trypsin hydrolysis, confirming that the dimer dissociates when the pH is adjusted at 7.5, with the exposure of hydrophobic residues.

This paper reviews data from acquisition of Romani an attempting to establish whether Romanian children go through an Optional Infinitive stage similarly to children acquiring English, Dutch, French, etc. In the first sub-chapter, a brief presentation of OI- related Romanian adult grammar properties is provid ed: the non-finite forms in Romanian and their context as well as of other phenomena dis cussed in relation with non-finite forms in the OI literature (null subject, negation, clitics) . The second sub-chapter reviews the theories put forward by linguists studying the OI phenomenon underlining the implications for the acquisition of Romanian. The third subchapter prese nts an analysis of the longitudinal corpus provided in the CHILDES database for Romanian. Ungoverned non-finite forms present in the corpus are analysed in relation to other proper ties of child grammar: null auxiliaries, copula be omission, clitics omission, auxiliary omission. St atistic data as well as utterance samples are provided. In the second part of this su b-chapter the predictions for Romanian resulting from the theories reviewed in sub-chapter two are checked against the findings. Acquisitionists analysing data from various languag es found that at a certain stage in their linguistic development (until approximately 2 ;6) children regularly use non- finite verbs in finite contexts alongside with the correct finite forms. Two explanations for these findings have been proposed: Young children do not have knowledge of inflection. One proposal is that inflected forms produced during this stage are not in fact understood as verb roots to which inflection markers have been attached but as "wholes". Children have knowledge of Inflection as a grammatical category, but they do not know the realizations of inflection, the mor phemes. The first explanation cannot account for the fact t hat at the age when they use non-finite verb forms in finite contexts, child ren also use the correct finite forms. Also, it cannot account for the fact that when they use inflected forms, children almost always use them correctly. Wexler (1992) is the first linguist to analyse this phenomenon in detail. He notices that at this stage inflection seems to be optional in child grammar. Wexler (1994) notices that the optio nality in child's behaviour seems to reflect an optionality in the underlying child g rammar that does not exist in adult grammar. He assumes that child representations at t his stage are nevertheless correct.