Charities are facing a crisis in recruiting board trustees. Additionally, boards have been criticised for lacking diversity and being unrepresentative of society. The purpose of this paper is to propose a solution to the problem of trustee recruitment, by considering university business students as trustees. Through an analysis of advertised trustee jobs, the proposal is evaluated against degree subject benchmark statements. The findings identify some key person characteristics specified by charities when recruiting trustees. The generic criteria could be met by most students and many of the personal skills are developed by students while at university. However, to address some of the experience criteria, may require additional training and some yielding by charities. The paper offers originality in its proposition of appointing university business students as trustees and in its approach to examining the feasibility of that proposition through an analysis of trustee jobs.

This paper explores how political parties use their websites to persuade visitors during the 2015 UK General Election campaign. The home pages of 41 party websites were assessed. The findings suggest that parties view visitors as rationally assessing material, not emotionally; thus, the content provides information and seeks to mobilise support and generate resources. However, application of Nielsen's F‐pattern finds that these are precisely the areas within a website most likely to be placed beyond where visitors will look. Simple changes in design structure, the use of emotional messages, and shortcuts should make party websites more persuasive.

This Practical Guide to Event Promotion offers the reader a short and succinct overview of the range of marketing communication materials from print to social marketing that can be used to promote an event successfully to the correct target markets. It includes invaluable advice on how to identify the type of communication tools most applicable to the type of event that is being promoted and its target market; how to effectively use and implement these; useful tips on things to avoid; as well as suggested time frames to use before, during and after the event. Examples of best practice and insights from events marketers are integrated throughout. Although full of practical information, a strong theoretical base underpins the advice included on how event managers can apply communication and persuasion theory to key audiences. This book will be a useful resource for Events Management students putting on an event as part of their course and for assessments, and those wanting to convert general theory into practical skills they will use in the workplace.

AimResidual -cell function is present at the time of diagnosis with Type 1 diabetes. Preserving this -cell function reduces complications. We hypothesized that exercise preserves -cell function in Type 1 diabetes and undertook a pilot trial to address the key uncertainties in designing a definitive trial to test this hypothesis. MethodsA randomized controlled pilot trial in adults aged 16-60 years diagnosed with Type 1 diabetes within the previous 3 months was undertaken. Participants were assigned to control (usual care) or intervention (exercise consultation every month), in a 1 : 1 ratio for 12 months. The primary outcomes were recruitment rate, drop out, exercise adherence [weeks with 150 min of self-reported moderate to vigorous physical activity (MVPA)], and exercise uptake in the control group. The secondary outcomes were differences in insulin sensitivity and rate of loss of -cell function between intervention and control at 6 and 12 months. ResultsOf 507 individuals who were approached, 58 (28 control, 30 intervention) entered the study and 41 completed it. Participants were largely white European males, BMI 24.8 3.8 kg/m(2), HbA(1c) 75 25 mmol/mol (9 2%). Mean level of objectively measured MVPA increased in the intervention group (mean 243 to 273 min/week) and 61% of intervention participants reached the target of 150 min/week of self-reported MVPA on at least 42 weeks of the year. Physical activity levels fell slightly in the control group (mean 277 to 235 min of MVPA/week). There was exploratory evidence that intervention group became more insulin sensitive and required less insulin. However, the rate of loss of -cell function appeared similar between the groups, although the change in insulin sensitivity may have affected this. ConclusionWe show that it is possible to recruit and randomize people with newly diagnosed Type 1 diabetes to a trial of an exercise intervention, and increase and maintain their exercise levels for 12 months. Future trials need to incorporate measures of greater adherence to exercise training targets, and include more appropriate measures of -cell function. (Clinical Trials Registry No; ISRCTN91388505)

NSBM Journal of Management is published by the National School of Business Management (NSBM), Colombo.The principal objective of the journal is to provide a medium for disseminating findings of study and research addressing issues, practices and developments in Management. Scholars and practioners are invited to publish their work in the field of Management taking either a positivistic or a nonpositivistic approach. Thereby, the journal promotes free and unbiased opinion, networking and sharing of experiences on matters of importance to organizations and society.

campaign spending and the role of supporting newspapers is particularly pertinent to the two-country comparison. Redvaldsen concludes that although the Norwegian party was better organised, ‘‘there were no significant differences in electoral appeals or campaigning strategy’’ (p. 149), and that the explanation for Norwegian party’s greater success ‘‘was mostly found in the contingency of the party being in government at the tail-end of the Depression rather than at the beginning’’ (p. 151). At the end of the day, timing turned out to be the key. The British party took office just as the Depression was getting underway; by the time the Norwegian party went into government the Depression had ‘‘run its course.’’ For the general social science or humanities reader the book’s main weakens is that it requires considerable knowledge of inter-war politics and history in the UK and Scandinavia. While the book is strong on detail, it is poorer on context. The main focus is on the two Labour parties; much less is said about the political context in which they operated in general, and specifically about the strategies of their competitors and the most important political issues of the day. The three substantial chapters – each devoted to one pair-wise comparison of elections – are strong on the similarities in the two protagonists’ campaigns and particularly their efforts to broaden their appeal. Yet the differences in the government-opposition dynamics are underplayed, as are the differences between the emergence of the LabourNational contest as two-bloc competition and the development of a multi-party system in Norway. For example, some discussion of the origins and aims of the Agrarian party would be particularly helpful for non-Norwegian readers. The observation that ‘‘the British Conservatives were much better at securing working-class support than their Norwegian counterparts’’ (p. 149) prompts the obvious immediate question: why? Although much is made of policy issues related to women and agriculture, the same cannot be said of other important policy areas such as taxation, trade, the welfare state and management of the Depression – which are central to the claim that the Norwegian party outperformed its British sister party. From a comparative politics perspective, the main weakness of the book is the relatively limited discussion of the comparative politics literature. To be fair, Redvaldsen is a historian, and this book is primarily concerned with three pairs of elections – the how rather than the why of inter-war electoral competition in the two countries. However, as the book’s central aim is to ‘‘contribute to the discussion about what factors made for success for a Socialist party in the period’’ and as ‘‘a comparative approach was chosen’’ (p. 1), some substantial discussion of the main comparative politics analyses might be warranted. Instead, the comparative politics literature is dismissed as excessively structuralist (p. 147), a criticism that misses the central role that party strategic choice plays for the likes of Stein Rokkan and Gregory Luebbert. Consequently the book underplays the importance of key strategic choices, such as the National Government in the UK in August 1931 after the financial crisis, still led by Ramsay MacDonald but with most of his party going into opposition, and the ‘crisis’ 1935 deal between the Norwegian Labour and Agrarian parties which allowed Johan Nygaardsvold to form a minority Labour government. All said, Redvaldsen’s book provides a good addition to the historical literature on the inter-war left. His pairwise history of the two Labour parties is stronger than the comparative analysis, but the two stories complement each other well and raise a number of questions that are important for the comparative study of interwar party politics. Although the author avoids discussing centripetal voting, anti-incumbency bias or mass versus catch-all parties, the themes discussed in the book are highly relevant to debates about Downsian competition, the cost of coalition government and the strategic choices that faced the socialist parties in the inter-war era. It also provides a timely reminder of the difficulty – and, indeed, unpredictability – of both electoral campaigning and coalition/minority government in the time of economic crises.

This chapter explores the adoption and use of social media during election campaigns in the UK. It focuses on data that compare the prioritisation of different media use to identify how social media are embedded strategically within a campaigns. The Greens, Labour, Conservatives, and Liberal Democrats also utilised Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube to create multiple points of entry and participation in their campaign. The European parliamentary Elections of 2004 offered little evidence that the Internet was becoming a serious electoral battleground. Evidence showed that the online campaign, or rather the lack of a campaign, largely reflected the apathy of national politicians and the media with the second-order election. In terms of the effort parties make in communicating via these platforms, there seems to be no correspondence between the number of posts, tweets, or videos and the likes, followers, or subscribers earned.

Introduction The Obama 2008 campaign saw the Internet placed centre stage in election campaigning; it was argued to be a game changer. Developing his techniques as a community organizer, his website provided numerous means for supporters to contribute to the campaign and become closer to the brand, part of a loose milieu around the campaign. Obama’s online campaign moved away from the purely transactional approach to campaigning, creating a desire for the product and encouraging the investment of hope (Dermody & Scullion, 2001), to a more relational approach designed to involve supporters and build long term loyalty (Jackson et al, 2012). The unique qualities of the Obama brand in 2008 facilitated building awareness, interest and enthusiasm around the campaign. However, the pressures of incumbency and disorganisation at the centre of the Democrat Party organisation made victory in 2012 less than certain (Bai 2007). It was therefore necessary to re-engage with the online community, in particular the decentralised grassroots progressive movement. Only a relationship marketing approach would be able to connect together these groups and convert them into activists that could be harnessed to the campaign. This chapter analyses this process, exploring the value of a relationship marketing strategy during election campaigns within candidate-centred systems.

Several UK Members of Parliament (MPs) have a foothold within a Web 2.0 environment. Some write blogs, such as Labour’s Tom Watson or Conservative John Redwood. Equally, some have joined virtual communities such as the social networking sites (SNS) MySpace or Facebook. Cumulatively this indicates they are exploring new means of promoting themselves, their politics as well as news means for interacting with their constituents or those who share their political interests. The key aspect of Web 2.0 technology that offers potential for MPs is that an architecture of participation is in place where those with Internet access can interact with one another. Apart from the Webmasters, there is no automatic hierarchy within communities and so each page within a community site is produced by its members. In sharp contrast to the ‘we will build it and they will come’ philosophy associated with Web 1.0 and the static website; Web 2.0 users work on a ‘we will come and build it philosophy’. MPs, in using this technology, must relinquish some control over their public representation in order to engage with community members; this papers asks to what extent this is occurring, what functions of an MPs role are enhanced through the use of Web 2.0, and concludes by focusing on the advantages and disadvantages for MPs of pursuing a Web 2.0 strategy. Our research analysed the content of the 42 weblogs and 37 SNS of MPs who advertise these on the personal websites. Our first set of questions related to the extent to which public conversations could take place; so assessing the extent of interactivity between the MPs and the visitors to these weblogs and SNS profiles. Secondly we focused on the extent to which interactivity was potentiated, either through site functions or the language used, such as asking questions; so assessing whether interaction could take place. Thirdly we assessed which of the MPs roles, the policy scrutiny trusteeship role, the party member role, or constituency representative role was being enhanced through Web 2.0 technologies and what relationship this had to interaction gained. Our data suggests that interactivity is taking place. But this can be in a fairly limited form with many visitors being more likely to comment without returning rather than being part of any reciprocal exchange with the MP. In our assessment, this was due to the fact that many blogs and SNS profiles are laden with too much information and insufficient opportunities to enter into conversations on matters of importance to visitors. When focusing on the functions of the MP, it was clear that many used Web 2.0 as a space to promote the party and communicate their thoughts on issues of the day however these tended to gain little interaction. However, those MPs who use Web 2.0 tools to enhance their constituency representative role did find visitors would interact with them. Within Web 2.0 we can also find a further purpose for MPs, offering insights into their background and personal life to offer a more three-dimensional perspective to visitors. Many MPs use SNS particularly in the same way as any other user, as an individual as opposed to as a professional within any particular career. Here we find MPs also benefiting from interaction with visitors and not only those that are within their offline circle of friends and colleagues. Thus we conclude that there is potential for MPs to use Web 2.0 to support their representative function and gain interaction with a broader public than they would normally. Weblogs can be used to build a community of interest around policy areas to some extent, though this is currently limited to a minority. However SNS can be used to enhance the link between constituents and the MP, if only a minority of the constituency, and can widen the MPs circle of contacts. However, the control aspect is clearly a worry for MPs. While outside of an election campaign it may not matter what is said on an MPs’ weblog or SNS profile there are dangers that during an election they can be hi-jacked by opponents. Therefore the calculation will remain one of benefit versus risk and an assessment of whether sufficient constituents can be reached, or significant numbers of contacts be made, to indicate whether Web 2.0 offers huge promise or huge dangers.

Pete Adey, Royal Holloway, University of London Michael Adkins, University of Birmingham Linda Ahall, Keele University Ansgar Allen, University of Sheffield Peter Allen, Birkbeck, University of London Roy Allison, University of Oxford Nick Anstead, London School of Economics and Political Science Claudia Aradau, King’s College London Arthur Aughey, University of Ulster James Babb, Newcastle University André Bächtiger, Universität Luzern Hanna Back, University of Lund Jamie Bartlett, Demos London Victoria Basham, University of Exeter Derek Bell, Newcastle University Paolo Bellucci, University of Siena Jeffrey Bernstein, Eastern Michigan University Chris Bluth, University of Leeds Daniel Bochsler, University of Zurich Arjen Boin, Universiteit Utrecht Phil Boyle, York University, Toronto Chris Brooke, University of Bristol Ian Brown, University of Oxford Fiana Buckley, University College Cork Paul Cairney, University of Stirling Sharman Campbell, University of British Columbia Marta Cantijoch, University of Manchester Giovanni Capoccia, University of Oxford Helena Carrapico, Dundee University Christine Cheng, University of Oxford Shine Choi, Queen’s University Ondřej Císař, Charles University, Czech Republic Alistair Clark, Newcastle University Laura Clearly, Cranfield University Jon Coaffee, University of Birmingham Alastair Cole, Cardiff University Bridget Cotter, University of Westminster Sarah Craig, Glasgow University Steven Curtis, London Metropolitan University Peter Dahlgren, Lund University Charles Devellennes, University of Kent Martin Dolezal, University of Vienna Marc Doucet, Saint Mary’s University John Dryzek, Australian National University Patrick Dunleavy, London School of Economics and Political Science Bill Durodié, Chatham House London Nader Entessar, University of South Alabama Brad Epperly, University of Washington Elizabeth Evans, University of Bristol Chris Finlay, University of Birmingham John Gastil, Pennsylvania State University Gregory Gause, University of Vermont Dani Gayo-Avello, University of Oviedo Sergiu Gherghina, Leiden University Robert Greenwood, Robert Gordon University John Gunnel, State University of New York at Albany Emmanuel Guy, Université du Québec à Rimouski Anne Hammerstad, University of Kent bs_bs_banner

1. Introduction 2. Communication and Persuasion within Events 3. Marketing your Event 4. The Importance of a Marketing Strategy 5. The Event Marketing Mix 6. Understanding the Consumers of your Event 7. Building your Reputation: The Use of Public Relations 8. Gaining Visibility: Marketing Public Relations 9. Using Media Relations 10. Corporate Public Relations: Building your Reputation 11. Promoting your Event Online 12. Conclusion

The Internet has been to date used as a space for simple promotion by political parties; websites present an opportunity for the delivery of non-mediated communication directly to the online audience and nothing more. However, new patterns in usage during campaigns, particularly that of Barack Obama, aided by the technological innovations that fall under the umbrella of Web 2.0, offer new models of online political communication. Through an analysis of the websites and linked online presences of six parties that stood across the UK at the 2010 General Election, we find a dual strategy for Internet campaigning emerging. The persuasive traditions of electioneering remain a feature; however, the key emergent function is one of internal marketing to party supporters and activists. Large sections of party websites are being dedicated to harnessing supporters and converting them to being donators, promoters, and campaigners both online and offline. This suggests that the Internet is increasingly embedded within election communication and online communication strategies are becoming a feature of most of the parties' marketing communication mix.

This paper applies three marketing approaches to identify a possible framework for analysing the 2010 general election. The first approach to be assessed is transactional, which is the traditional view of political marketing. The second approach is relationship marketing, of which there is some evidence that it has applied to politics. The third approach, experiential, has not yet been applied to the political context. As this is an exploratory research project, the data are collected from one small geographical area, Devon. Interviews were conducted with candidates in the 12 seats in this county to identify which, if any, of these three marketing approaches might apply to UK general elections. The article, argues that a hybrid approach to political marketing, drawing on all three approaches can potentially offer researchers a framework for understanding general election campaigns. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.