The social construction of rurality remains a collective fantasy of a safe, green, ethnically homogeneous environment. This fantasy, called "the rural idyll," still dominates the way in which people give meaning to their lives, the lives of others, and the places where they live. This idyll is based on an interrelated urban/ethnic diverse versus rural/white dichotomy, even as rural areas are in fact becoming more ethnically diverse. The question of how ethnic diversity is understood, in traditional media, through the fantasy of the rural idyll is central to this paper. Drawing on recurring stories in 450 newspaper articles in the Flemish written press covering rural ethnic diversity, we identify four different ideal-type frames: growing ethnic diversity as a (1) threat to the rural idyll, (2) confirmation of the rural idyll, (3) the consequence of rural deprivation, and (4) the solution to rural deprivation. Our analysis shows that a large proportion of the newspaper articles use "ethnic diversity as a threat to the rural idyll." This connects with the long-standing anti-urban discourse in Flanders (Belgium). Nevertheless, the presence and emergence of other frames indicate that this discourse does not remain not unchallenged.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, Work from home (WFH) received much public attention. Imposing such a measure was feasible in the context of labour markets' flexibilisation, which has reshaped urban live-work relationships. However, the pandemic's effects on those relationships have rarely been explored in housing and planning studies. This paper draws a research agenda based on a literature review of the changes in urban live-work relationships, which were accelerated and legitimised under COVID-19. The latter is considered an exogenous shock contingent upon several other shocks, embedded in structural crises and accelerating ongoing trends. The literature confirms the acceleration of hybrid work for those able to do so, which has fuelled debates on home usage and legitimated planning discourses based on urban proximity, densification and mixed use. Hence, we encourage critical research on (i) the conceptualisations of WFH and COVID-19, (ii) housing policy responses to accumulated uncertainties and regulations for quality and resilient housing, and (iii) the critical analysis of WFH-oriented planning.

Flanders (Belgium) is ageing at a rapid pace. Elderly people will continue to live at home in large numbers, partly because this is encouraged by the government. However, many homes are not adapted to reduced mobility. For example, it is not possible to circulate with a wheelchair. But also the living environment poses challenges for the elderly. Flanders is known for a far-reaching spread of housing and facilities, with the result that daily facilities can often only be reached by car. As a result of this spatial fragmentation, the elderly themselves often live for care providers in unreachable places. This ensures, among other things, that the in-home help travels several car kilometers. And research shows that so-called informal care is not self-evident either. Because what about the elderly who don't have children living nearby? Or with the residents who only see their next neighbor hundreds of meters away, who is also often a little mobile peer? The (untouched) appropriateness of the home, the presence or absence of facilities or neighbors, all of which belongs to what we can call the spatial capital of an environment. If this is not present, an autonomous life for a less mobile elderly person is not possible. The argument is that without sufficient spatial capital, the policy options are to allow the elderly to live in their homes for as long as possible or caring neighborhoods dead ends.

The Covid-19 pandemic has had disruptive effects on the ways we live and work in cities. These outcomes have been widely discussed, both in the media and the scientific literature, using various underpinning assumptions and prospective thinking. Both academic and non-academic discourses further tend to support pre-pandemic housing forms and planning principles that are believed to be ideally suited for the so-called ‘post-pandemic’ city. This paper aims to confront these discourses with feedback received from residents living in such idealized live-work environments in Brussels (Belgium) to reflect on their possible relevance for the future. In practice, we identified acclaimed housing forms and planning principles after examining media sources and scientific literature. From there, we conducted a survey in a selection of real estate operations based on a typology of projects and environments to pinpoint first trends in terms of changing housing needs and residential preferences. The combination of the results of the review and the survey allowed us to critically discuss to what extent current housing solutions and planning strategies may foster adequate live-work urban environments and make suggestions for further research on the post-pandemic city.

This paper examines the impact of institutional frameworks on ontologies of 'live-work mix', i.e. the renewed intertwining of residential and economic uses in urban developments. We aim to understand how local housing and planning regimes influence the nature of live-work mix by comparing three contrasting institutional frameworks (Amsterdam, Brussels, Stockholm), using an institutionalist approach to governance drawing on the concept of path dependency. We address two research questions: how have each city's housing and planning regimes influenced current urban development strategies, and what ontologies of live-work mix do these regimes and strategies underlie. Based on a literature review, document analysis and exploratory interviews, we show that live-work goals are defined in instruments underpinned by different discourses and early planning directions, but in which housing supply is instrumental to economic growth. Market parties play an essential role in implementing these goals as a result of critical junctures and dependencies affecting the actors involved and their governance capacity. Overall, the local ontologies of live-work mix reflect broader city understandings and are either consistently oriented towards attractiveness or, on the contrary, overlapping between, sometimes, antagonistic agendas. Used sensitively, our analytical framework appears to be relevant to understanding the local mitigation of global developments.

Flanders (Belgium) is aging at high speed. In 2060, almost one in three (32 percent) will be older than 60. The number of people aged 80 and over will increase from more than 400,000 today to nearly 800,000 in 2060. This demographic change can be witnessed throughout the entire region, yet older people are overrepresented in rural areas. A large majority of older people is 'aging in place'. This often occurs in places that witness a severe decline in basic facilities and that suffer from a loss of its young(er) population. Nevertheless, policies in Flanders strongly support aging in place, while emphasizing the role of informal caregivers. This paper explores older people's perceptions of and experiences with informal care in rural Flanders. Based on qualitative in-depth interviews, we focus on the role of family members and neighbors in providing informal care for older people living at home in two different rural areas in Flanders ('Westhoek' and 'Kempen'). The analysis shows how, in both regions, receiving care from children and neighbors is simply not always perceived as a valid and realistic option by our respondents, and this for different reasons. It concludes that the current focus of elderly policy in Flanders on aging in place and the strong emphasis on the role of informal caregivers work only for those older people whose informal caregivers (in practice mostly children) live nearby. This depends strongly, of course, on spatial and economic factors. Also, neighbors are not the cohesive group they are presumed to be. We thus have to move beyond the nostalgic idea that neighbors and close family members can or will actively engage in informal care.

Given the increasing number of people seeking refuge in Belgium and across Europe more broadly, it is essential that governments assume responsibility for the integration of refugees into society. An essential aspect of this process is the provision of a durable path from shelter to housing. Choosing a place of residence, and the success in obtaining suitable housing conditions, are factors that significantly shape the integration process. In the context of refugee settlement in Belgium, however, asylum and migration policies to date have been predominantly focused on tackling temporary crises with little consideration paid to long-term integration and housing strategies. Due to separated policy competences (reception at the federal policy level, and housing at the regional level), and the absence of a sense of responsibility from both Flemish (regional) and federal government, voluntary organisations have developed significant roles at the local level in the transition from shelter to housing, and in further housing needs of recognised refugees. Achieving this transition is impeded by capacity problems, discrimination, lack of local social networks, and limited timeframes. Using the concept of path dependency as a theoretical starting point, this article employs qualitative methods to highlight the impact of both asylum policies and the spatial characteristics of reception centres on transitions towards more permanent housing. Recommendations for refugee accommodation are made to enhance the transition from shelter to housing. Finally, it addresses alternative housing projects that are conducive to social integration as well as to the transition of refugees to the regular housing market.

Flanders (Belgium) is ageing at high speed. The number of people aged over 80 will increase from more than 400.000 today to nearly 800.000 in 2060, which is 10 % of the population. Although the entire region is ageing, older people are overrepresented in non-urban areas. A large majority of the elderly have to ''age in place', being the consequence of a very clear-cut policy to foster staying put. However, one can question if their quality of life can be guaranteed, knowing that basic facilities are often unavailable in sparsely populated areas. This is especially relevant when personal mobility decreases and (health) care is needed. Based on qualitative research methods (in-depth interviews, focus groups and observations made while following care providers), this paper discusses the everyday experiences and perceptions of older people with regard to informal care. We focus on elderly people living in two different rural regions, rudimentary defined as a work-poor area (Westhoek) and a work-rich area (Kempen). The results indicate that the availability of informal care is -among others- dependent on the spatial context and can therefore not be guaranteed everywhere.

The EU Survey of Income and Living Conditions (SILC) 2012 shows 0.27 per cent of the Belgian population had moved in the preceding five-year period because of an eviction. Regrettably, with this record, Belgium ranks in third place for the highest rate of evictions among the 28 countries of the European Union. Despite this ranking, the extent and nature of evictions remain a blind spot in Belgium. Twenty years ago, a 'General Report on Poverty' criticized the lack of official data on the number of evictions. In 2005, the same critique was raised by the research agency charged with alleviating poverty, social insecurity, and social exclusion. After yet another decade, not much has changed. Data on the matter is both limited and fragmented. Hence, a clear picture of the number of evictions, the profile of those evicted, and the housing paths following an eviction is indeterminate. In this contribution, an attempt is made to consolidate existing data and to shed light on this phenomenon. As a background to the research, the chapter starts with a brief discussion of the Belgian housing market and Belgian housing policies. Thereafter an overview of the different eviction procedures that apply for different situations is provided including: judicial procedures to evict owner-occupiers, social and private renters, and squatters; temporary dispossessions in the case of family disputes and administrative eviction procedures related to housing quality. The chapter then elaborates on the judicial eviction of both owner-occupiers and renters. A discussion on the extent of the problem for these tenure types as well as the profile of those involved, their rehousing trajectories and risk factors for evictions is then provided. An outline of a limited number of 'good practices' in preventing evictions or in mitigating its harmful consequences is presented. The chapter concludes with some final observations on the issue.