Drawing from ethnographic data collected between 2012 and 2014 and January and June 2018 in Luwero district, Uganda, this article questions the romanticised depiction of burial groups as a means of enhancing social support, a sense of solidarity and mutual aid. We found that the felt sense of identity and belonging for members is not shared across community members, and that solidary relations between members and non-group members in the community are fraught with tensions and conflicts. Beyond the romanticised view of burial groups, we need to study burial groups as a model of solidarity in disunity and diversity.

While there is a growing body of research documenting unregulated African wild meat imports into Europe from the Africa continent, the drivers of this demand are virtually unknown. This study employs focus group discussions and a survey questionnaire to examine the attitudes and practices related to African wild meat consumption in the city of Amsterdam, Netherlands. The Ghanaian community was selected as the object of this study, as it is the largest West African population in the Netherlands and represents an important part of Dutch society. We model our report on a recent US study of the Liberian community of Minneapolis, Minnesota, which allows for the comparison of results between two Western countries. The overall perceived health risk of consuming African wild meat in The Netherlands is low and unlikely to deter consumption. However, local prices for the meat may be prohibitive in some cases. Incentives include health benefits, cultural drivers and a strong preference for the taste of African wild meat over all local meat alternatives. The study calls for further research into the nature of the drivers of demand for African wild meat as well as its public health consequences, in the Netherlands and beyond.

To reach the most vulnerable individuals in under-resourced countries, health communication interventions increasingly move towards the community level. However, little is known about how health information spreads through local social networks. This paper maps the health information network of a rural trading centre in Uganda. As part of a five-year ethnographic study of sustainable community health resources, ego networks were obtained for 231 village residents in March 2014. Using both ethnographic and social network data, we analyze how the village social network is structured, and how this structure may influence the transmission of health information. Results show a network with low average proximity, with a small number of individuals, notably key administrative officials, much closer connected to many other community members than average. However, because of social partitioning in the village network, a number of people are outside the social clusters in which the top influencers are located.

Medical systems are often seen as consisting of three main health care sectors: professional, folk, and popular. In practice these sectors are not discrete entities but components of dynamic health care constellations involving continual interaction between sectors and between different medical systems. Processes of mobility and globalization are increasingly driving this interaction and contributing to growing medical pluralism. Political and economic interests influence which sectors are dominant and which subordinate.

Background Despite the availability of practical knowledge and effective interventions required to reduce priority health problems in low-income countries, poor and vulnerable populations are often not reached. One possible solution to this problem is the use of Community or Lay Health Workers (CLHWs). So far, however, the development of sustainability in CLHW programs has failed and high attrition rates continue to pose a challenge. We propose that the roles and interests which support community health work should emerge directly from the way in which health is organized at community level. This review explores the evidence available to assess if increased levels of integration of community health resources in CLHW programs indeed lead to higher program effectiveness and sustainability. Methods and Findings This review includes peer-reviewed articles which meet three eligibility criteria: 1) specific focus on CLHWs or equivalent; 2) randomized, quasi-randomized, before/after methodology or substantial descriptive assessment; and 3) description of a community or peer intervention health program located in a low- or middle-income country. Literature searches using various article databases led to 2930 hits, of which 359 articles were classified. Of these, 32 articles were chosen for extensive review, complemented by analysis of the results of 15 other review studies. Analysis was conducted using an excel based data extraction form. Because results showed that no quantitative data was published, a descriptive synthesis was conducted. The review protocol was not proactively registered. Findings show minimal inclusion of even basic community level indicators, such as the degree to which the program is a community initiative, community input in the program or training, the background and history of CLHW recruits, and the role of the community in motivation and retention. Results show that of the 32 studies, only one includes one statistical measure of community integration. As a result of this lack of data we are unable to derive an evidence-based conclusion to our propositions. Instead, our results indicate a larger problem, namely the complete absence of indicators measuring community relationships with the programs studied. Studies pay attention only to gender and peer roles, along with limited demographic information about the recruits. The historicity of the health worker and the community s/he belongs to is absent in most studies reviewed. None of the studies discuss or test for the possibility that motivation emanates from the community. Only a few studies situate attrition and retention as an issue enabled by the community. The results were limited by a focus on low-income countries and English, peer-reviewed published articles only. Conclusion Published, peer-reviewed studies evaluating the effectiveness and sustainability of CLHW interventions in health programs have not yet adequately tested for the potential of utilizing existing community health roles or social networks for the development of effective and sustainable (retentive) CLHW programs. Community relationships are generally seen as a "black box" represented by an interchangeable CLHW labor unit. This disconnect from community relationships and resources may have led to a systematic and chronic undervaluing of community agency in explanations of programmatic effectiveness and sustainability.

Anthropologists are increasingly required to account for the data on which they base their interpretations and to make it available for public scrutiny and re-analysis. While this may seem straightforward (why not place our data in online repositories?), it is not. Ethnographic ‘data’ may consist of everything from verbatim transcripts (‘hard data’) to memories and impressions (‘soft data’). Hard data can be archived and re-analysed; soft data cannot. The focus on hard ‘objective’ data contributes to the delegitimizing of the soft data that are essential for ethnographic understanding, and without which hard data cannot be properly interpreted. However, the credibility of ethnographic interpretation requires the possibility of verification. This could be achieved by obligatory, standardised forms of personal storage with the option for audit if required, and by being more explicit in publications about the nature and status of the data and the process of interpretation.

The aims of this present study were to explore the use and meaning of metaphors and images about aging in older people with a death wish and to elucidate what these metaphors and images tell us about their self-understanding and imagined feared future. Twenty-five in-depth interviews with Dutch older people with a death wish (median 82 years) were analyzed by making use of a phenomenological-hermeneutical metaphor analysis approach. We found 10 central metaphorical concepts: (a) struggle, (b) victimhood, (c) void, (d) stagnation, (e) captivity, (f) breakdown, (g) redundancy, (h) subhumanization, (i) burden, and (j) childhood. It appears that the group under research does have profound negative impressions of old age and about themselves being or becoming old. The discourse used reveals a strong sense of distance, disengagement, and nonbelonging associated with their wish to die. This study empirically supports the theory of stereotype embodiment.

ABSTRACTMalaysia has an ageing population and an increasing number of older people who live alone. This study explores the social support and care arrangements of older people living alone in rural Malaysia. The study took a qualitative approach: semi-structured interviews were conducted with a purposive sample of Malay (N = 20) and Chinese (N = 20) Malaysians aged over 65. Five cross-cutting themes were identified through a thematic analysis: degrees of aloneness; relationships and social support; barriers to social support; and future illness, care and death. All participants said they lived alone; living arrangements, however, were often complex. For Malays, most support came from nearby adult children and relatives, whereas Chinese participants, who less frequently had adult children living locally, emphasised support from friends and neighbours. Emigrant adult children's assistance was mostly informational and financial, instrumental assistance was either substituted for money, or provided solely during periods of ill-health. Physical decline, limited telephone use, inadequate transportation and fears of crime were barriers to social support. Participants avoided thinking or talking about future care needs. These findings have implications for Malaysian old age policy, which is currently focused on supporting families to care for older relatives. Child migration and a growing preference for a period of independent living in old age may require policies and resources directed at older people as individuals to support their own efforts to remain independent, active and age ‘in place’.

Background Community-based programmes, particularly community health workers (CHWs), have been portrayed as a cost-effective alternative to the shortage of health workers in low-income countries. Usually, literature emphasises how easily CHWs link and connect communities to formal health care services. There is little evidence in Uganda to support or dispute such claims. Drawing from linking social capital framework, this paper examines the claim that village health teams (VHTs), as an example of CHWs, link and connect communities with formal health care services. Methods Data were collected through ethnographic fieldwork undertaken as part of a larger research program in Luwero District, Uganda, between 2012 and 2014. The main methods of data collection were participant observation in events organised by VHTs. In addition, a total of 91 in-depth interviews and 42 focus group discussions (FGD) were conducted with adult community members as part of the larger project. After preliminary analysis of the data, we conducted an additional six in-depth interviews and three FGD with VHTs and four FGD with community members on the role of VHTs. Key informant interviews were conducted with local government staff, health workers, local leaders, and NGO staff with health programs in Luwero. Thematic analysis was used during data analysis. Results The ability of VHTs to link communities with formal health care was affected by the stakeholders’ perception of their roles. Community members perceive VHTs as working for and under instructions of “others”, which makes them powerless in the formal health care system. One of the challenges associated with VHTs’ linking roles is support from the government and formal health care providers. Formal health care providers perceived VHTs as interested in special recognition for their services yet they are not “experts”. For some health workers, the introduction of VHTs is seen as a ploy by the government to control people and hide its inability to provide health services. Having received training and initial support from an NGO, VHTs suffered transition failure from NGO to the formal public health care structure. As a result, VHTs are entangled in power relations that affect their role of linking community members with formal health care services. We also found that factors such as lack of money for treatment, poor transport networks, the attitudes of health workers and the existence of multiple health care systems, all factors that hinder access to formal health care, cannot be addressed by the VHTs. Conclusions As linking social capital framework shows, for VHTs to effectively act as links between the community and formal health care and harness the resources that exist in institutions beyond the community, it is important to take into account the power relationships embedded in vertical relationships and forge a partnership between public health providers and the communities they serve. This will ensure strengthened partnerships and the improved capacity of local people to leverage resources embedded in vertical power networks.

Can global health experiments be part of more flexible systems of knowledge generation, where different bodies of knowledge come together to provide understanding not only of the outcomes of new interventions but also of the mechanisms through which they affect people's well-being and health? Building past work in which they tried to transform how global health experiments are carried out and inspired by the articles in this special issue, the authors of this commentary argue that strategic collaboration is needed to break the hegemony of randomized controlled trials in designing global health technologies. More open-ended experiments are possible if anthropologists team up with innovative researchers in biomedicine to develop new conceptual models and to adopt novel observational techniques and smart' trials that incorporate ethnography to unravel complex interactions between local biologies, attributes of health systems, social infrastructures, and users' everyday lives.

INTRODUCTION:Provider-initiated HIV testing (PITC) is increasingly adopted in Europe. The success of the approach at identifying new HIV cases relies on its effectiveness at testing individuals most at risk. However, its suitability to reach populations facing overlapping vulnerabilities is under researched. This qualitative study examined HIV testing experiences and perceptions amongst Latin-American migrant men who have sex with men and transgender females in Spain, as well as health professionals' experiences offering HIV tests to migrants in Barcelona and Madrid.METHODS:We conducted 32 in-depth interviews and 8 discussion groups with 38 Latin-American migrants and 21 health professionals. We imported verbatim transcripts and detailed field work notes into the qualitative software package Nvivo-10 and applied to all data a coding framework to examine systematically different HIV testing dimensions and modalities. The dimensions analysed were based on the World Health Organization "5 Cs" principles: Consent, Counselling, Connection to treatment, Correctness of results and Confidentiality.RESULTS:Health professionals reported that PITC was conceptually acceptable for them, although their perceived inability to adequately communicate HIV+ results and resulting bottle necks in the flow of care were recurrent concerns. Endorsement and adherence to the principles underpinning the rights-based response to HIV varied widely across health settings. The offer of an HIV test during routine consultations was generally appreciated by users as a way of avoiding the embarrassment of asking for it. Several participants deemed compulsory testing as acceptable on public health grounds. In spite of--and sometimes because of--partial endorsement of rights-based approaches, PITC was acceptable in a population with high levels of internalised stigma.CONCLUSION:PITC is a promising approach to reach sexual minority migrants who hold high levels of internalised stigma but explicit extra efforts are needed to safeguard the rights of the most vulnerable.

Background: Since the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development, male involvement in reproductive health issues has been advocated as a means to improve maternal and child health outcomes, but to date, health providers have failed to achieve successful male involvement in pregnancy care especially in rural and remote areas where majority of the underserved populations live. In an effort to enhance community participation in maternity care, TBAs were trained and equipped to ensure better care and quick referral. In 1997, after the advent of the World Health Organization's Safe Motherhood initiative, the enthusiasm turned away from traditional birth attendants (TBAs). However, in many developing countries, and especially in rural areas, TBAs continue to play a significant role. This study explored the interaction between men and TBAs in shaping maternal healthcare in a rural Ugandan context.Methods: This study employed ethnographic methods including participant observation, which took place in the process of everyday life activities of the respondents within the community; 12 focus group discussions, and 12 in-depth interviews with community members and key informants. Participants in this study were purposively selected to include TBAs, men, opinion leaders like village chairmen, and other key informants who had knowledge about the configuration of maternity services in the community. Data analysis was done inductively through an iterative process in which transcribed data was read to identify themes and codes were assigned to those themes.Results: Contrary to the thinking that TBA services are utilized by women only, we found that men actively seek the services of TBAs and utilize them for their wives' healthcare within the community. TBAs in turn sensitize men using both cultural and biomedical health knowledge, and become allies with women in influencing men to provide resources needed for maternity care.Conclusion: In this study area, men trust and have confidence in TBAs; closer collaboration with TBAs may provide a suitable platform through which communities can be sensitized and men actively brought on board in promoting maternal health services for women in rural communities.

In relation to clinical trials, it is far more usual to speak of the community (singular, static) than of publics (multiple, emergent). Rarely defined, the community is commonly taken to be the existing people in a given area, which the trial will engage, mobilise or sensitise to facilitate successful recruitment and retention. Communities are assumed to pre-exist the research, to be timeless, and to be a whole (sometimes consisting of different parts, referred to as stakeholder groups). In this paper, we suggest a conceptual shift from trial community' to experimental publics'. Using an empirical case study of an HIV prevention trial in Zambia, we draw out the following key points: firstly, publics do not pre-exist research activities but are enacted in concert with them. Secondly, publics are dynamic and transient. And thirdly, experimental publics are situated at the intersection of various forms of inclusion and exclusion, both locally and globally. Our findings emphasise the need to create long-term forms of participation in science, which transcend both the instrumental goals and the individual timelines of specific trials.

BACKGROUND:A major challenge to outbreak control lies in early detection of viral haemorrhagic fevers (VHFs) in local community contexts during the critical initial stages of an epidemic, when risk of spreading is its highest ("the first mile"). In this paper we document how a major Ebola outbreak control effort in central Uganda in 2012 was experienced from the perspective of the community. We ask to what extent the community became a resource for early detection, and identify problems encountered with community health worker and social mobilization strategies.METHODS:Analysis is based on first-hand ethnographic data from the center of a small Ebola outbreak in Luwero Country, Uganda, in 2012. Three of this paper's authors were engaged in an 18 month period of fieldwork on community health resources when the outbreak occurred. In total, 13 respondents from the outbreak site were interviewed, along with 21 key informants and 61 focus group respondents from nearby Kaguugo Parish. All informants were chosen through non-probability sampling sampling.RESULTS:Our data illustrate the lack of credibility, from an emic perspective, of biomedical explanations which ignore local understandings. These explanations were undermined by an insensitivity to local culture, a mismatch between information circulated and the local interpretative framework, and the inability of the emergency response team to take the time needed to listen and empathize with community needs. Stigmatization of the local community--in particular its belief in amayembe spirits--fuelled historical distrust of the external health system and engendered community-level resistance to early detection.CONCLUSIONS:Given the available anthropological knowledge of a previous outbreak in Northern Uganda, it is surprising that so little serious effort was made this time round to take local sensibilities and culture into account. The "first mile" problem is not only a question of using local resources for early detection, but also of making use of the contextual cultural knowledge that has already been collected and is readily available. Despite remarkable technological innovations, outbreak control remains contingent upon human interaction and openness to cultural difference.

Background: Evidence exists that selective antenatal maternal screening tests contribute to the reduction of maternal morbidity and mortality. However, data are lacking on coverage with the complete set of recommended tests. The study aimed to identify barriers to uptake of the complete set of tests recommended by the Ministry of Health in Senegal.Methods: Data were collected in communities, antenatal care (ANC) clinics and the laboratories of 11 public health care facilities across Senegal. Mixed-methods included ethnography (observations and informal conversations), in-depth interviews and workshops at the health facilities; structured interviews with 283 women receiving antenatal tests ("women in the lab"); in-depth interviews with 81 women in communities who were pregnant or had recently delivered ("community women").Results: Only 13% of community women and 22% of women in the lab had received the complete set of tests. For various social, financial and antenatal care-related reasons 38% of community women who visited antenatal care facilities did not access a laboratory. The lowest test uptake was in women receiving antenatal care at health posts. Barriers at the laboratory level were the cost of the test, stock-outs of reagents, and broken equipment. Midwives were the main gatekeepers of the laboratory, not requesting (all) tests because of assumptions about women's financial problems and reliance on clinical symptoms.Conclusion: In Senegal, recommended antenatal maternal screening tests are substantially underutilized. Efforts to increase test uptake should include accessible testing guidelines, reducing the cost of tests, raising awareness about the reasons for tests, and making the complete test set in point-of-care format accessible in peripheral health posts. National and international antenatal care policies and programs should facilitate access to maternal screening tests as a contribution to reducing maternal and infant morbidity and mortality.