This article presents the findings of a case study that aimed to understand the specific leadership styles that are valued by women and men lay representatives in the Public and Commercial Services Union (PCS) and to determine the gendered implications for increasing women's leadership and representation in trade unions. Survey responses from PCS lay representatives (reps) show the majority of women and men agreed that the leadership style they value, and that makes a good union leader, is post-heroic (communal) leadership. This approach is associated with leadership characteristics such as being helpful, sensitive and kind and are generally practised by women. This contrasts with male union leaders who are associated with a traditional, heroic (agentic) leadership style characterised by confidence, self-reliance and decisiveness. Although some differences exist that highlight gender issues, both women and men lay reps have positive attitudes towards increasing women's representation and participation in union leadership.

Women face gendered barriers to union leadership. In-depth interviews with UK and Australian female senior trade union leaders investigated how mentoring strategies can help women overcome barriers to leadership. Formal mentoring is most important, but the interaction of mentoring and informal support networks bolsters gender equality and workplace democracy.

This paper examines trade union networking and community-oriented activity through the recent development of learning strategies in relation to migrant workers. The paper locates the discussion on learning in relation to union attempts to develop a broader urban and community-based view of the union as an organisation. It assesses the innovative ways trade unions deploy their learning strategies given the challenges associated with a liberal market economy, in particular, in relation to poor levels of co-ordination amongst key social organisations and low levels of state commitment to the area of training. The paper draws on five empirical case studies of such innovative union approaches and concludes that many of these learning initiatives represent a significant intervention by unions in local urban and community-based contexts. However, it also notes that these appear to be disconnected from stable and consistent forms of local community-based organisation and, in part, remain enveloped in a marketised project-based approach which is piecemeal and in many aspects financially dependent on the state.

This paper examines trade union networking and community-oriented activity through the recent development of learning strategies in relation to migrant workers. The paper locates the discussion on learning in relation to union attempts to develop a broader urban and community-based view of the union as an organisation. It assesses the innovative ways trade unions deploy their learning strategies given the challenges associated with a liberal market economy, in particular, in relation to poor levels of co-ordination amongst key social organisations and low levels of state commitment to the area of training. The paper draws on five empirical case studies of such innovative union approaches and concludes that many of these learning initiatives represent a significant intervention by unions in local urban and community-based contexts. However, it also notes that these appear to be disconnected from stable and consistent forms of local community-based organisation and, in part, remain enveloped in a marketised project-based approach which is piecemeal and in many aspects financially dependent on the state.

Industrial Relations JournalVolume 43, Issue 1 p. 88-90 Up in the Air: How Airlines can Improve Performance by Engaging Their Employees – By Greg J. Bamber, Jody Hoffer Gittell, Thomas A. Kochan and Andrew Von Nordenflycht Robert Perrett, Robert Perrett University of Bradford, School of Management, Bradford, UKSearch for more papers by this author Robert Perrett, Robert Perrett University of Bradford, School of Management, Bradford, UKSearch for more papers by this author First published: 13 January 2012 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2338.2011.00652.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume43, Issue1January 2012Pages 88-90 RelatedInformation

There are various dimensions to the way migrant workers may find themselves within the most vulnerable parts of British society and also in a position where they cannot effectively deploy their skills, abilities and qualifications. First of all, their experiences of the initial stages into employment may be highly chaotic, disorganised and the product of a relatively de-regulated labour market. Secondly, the nature of the jobs many typically undertake means that they are unable to provide a framework of inclusion and support sufficient to allow an individual to prepare a clear plan for self development, or for using their skills and relevant qualifications. There is a failure within much of the labour market for skills and qualifications to be effectively recognised. Employers’ perceptions of migrant workers’ menial position within the labour market, and thus low salary expectations, means that some employers are effectively recruiting to low skilled positions on the basis of ethnicity as opposed to suitability. We therefore witness the situation where the acquisition of human capital by migrant workers generates no financial improvements, and worse still subjects migrant workers to a process of de-skilling. This is a generic problem but it affects the newly arrived more directly as they do not have the access points and local knowledge to overcome this challenge. Third, the uneven nature of employment regulation as in the case of Britain, for example, means that getting a basic wage and good working conditions is an all-consuming task for many migrants who work in some of the most vulnerable forms of employment. This leads to a fourth challenge in terms of mapping social support and being able to use networks and services that can alleviate many of their economic conditions. Many migrants have to use their own ethnic communities in order to gain information, services and a sense of dignity. This has implications on how they are able to use their experiences and qualifications to map their way into an improved and dignified existence. The paper attempts to map these dimensions of migrant activity and networks explaining how institutions at the local level fail to map onto these experiences. The paper will look at how new social movements in terms of migrant organisations and traditional social movements such as trade unions have in various European cases (especially in relation to the United Kingdom) used the discourse and strategy of learning as a key element of their politics of connection with the broader needs of such communities. The paper will draw from a range of sociological sources to show that networking requires a multidimensional understanding of the employment relationship and the local spaces it is structured within. The role of the local state is a vital feature of this process and its form is a determining variable in terms of developments.

The paper argues that the role of voluntary sector bodies in black and minority-ethnic (BME) communities is a missing factor in much of mainstream industrial relations and race and ethnicity debates. There are gaps between trade unions and organised community groups within BME communities. These are significant issues, which question some of the more optimistic analyses of the subject of union renewal in terms of community unionism. The space of BME representation is much more complex and diverse than that discussed in terms of individual worker needs. Questions of representation need to be addressed not solely in terms of formal representation but also of broader understandings of relations and perceptions between actors. This dovetails with the debate on the role of other actors in relation to representation within industrial relations. The paper ends with a discussion of how linkages between traditional and new industrial relations actors such as BME community groups and trade unions are constructed in a variety of unanticipated ways which require an understanding of the politics of BME groups, their regional dynamics and the way industrial relations is viewed. The paper is focused on the experiences of the United Kingdom.

The aim of this chapter is to outline the reality and diversity of trade union initiatives within communities, especially Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) Communities in the United Kingdom. It presents three cases which outline some of the ways trade unions have engaged with local communities. It does not claim to present a representative set of cases. However, the chapter uses the cases to formulate a series of arguments. The first is that there is no set template as far as community initiatives are concerned. The second is that many of the initiatives work through a variety of structures and strategies. The third is that community unionism can emerge even when it is not an explicit or enunciated objective. However, the chapter does conclude by arguing that the absence of community structures and clear alliances makes this dimension of trade union work uneven. Moreover, those trade unionists engaged with this dimension, whether they emerge from the official apparatus of the union or from the workplace, see community work as an aspect of their portfolio of activities and roles despite the absence of formal trade union rhetoric and policy to this end. In terms of those who actually develop these initiatives one detects in our cases they do so through their own initiatives and concerns that they develop.

The article shows that community initiatives take different forms and are the outcome of a broader interplay of factors between workers' interests, representation, and the strategies of unions and broader coalitions that are mobilized in specific communities. Drawing from three case studies on black and minority ethnic (BME) workers and trade unions in the UK the article looks at how the rhetoric of community unionism has been adopted in an uneven manner by trade unions: the article suggests that: (a) community initiatives are variable, (b) they lack a structure and clear vision, (c) the question of BME engagement is rarely central in many projects, and (d) the ambivalent role of the state is a significant factor in many of these initiatives. This state role is downplayed in much of the literature, thus raising dilemmas in terms of community initiatives.

The article first argues that there is a range of approaches and models developed in relation to the question of representing ethnic minorities and migrants when it comes to trade union strategies. There is no single model. Instead, there is a variety of approaches and politics, just as there are with a `traditionally established workforce'. Second, this study finds that the understanding of ethnic minority needs varies and the politics of this must be central to any discussion, as one cannot read off assumptions about the issue from formal union strategies, traditional practices and established customs in relation to regulation. In effect, there is a politics of trade union responses and there is diversity in the way the `problem' is read and understood. Third, the article argues that the issue of minority ethnic workers raises questions of trade union identity and purpose. This points to much deeper issues related to the role of regulation and strategies of inclusion — and the extent to which they cohere. It also raises the issue of the configuration of strategies of social inclusion and on occasions how strategies ignore the broader issue of participation of those they seek to represent. To this extent the article is not exclusively about inclusion and exclusion — but about the politics and contradictory dynamics of inclusion.

PurposeThis paper aims to illustrate how innovative trade union strategies are emerging around the learning agenda and how these are being used to extend union strategies within the workplace and the community. However, it also shows how such strategies can be confronted with difficulties particularly when they are located in fixed spaces leaving them unable to develop or become sustainable once these spaces are challenged or closed due to inconsistent state and employer support.Design/methodology/approachAn in depth case study approach was adopted for the research, using predominantly semi‐structured interviews with a wide range of individuals over an 18 month period.FindingsThe paper suggests that although unions are increasingly pushing forward their learning agenda and developing workplace and community learning centres, which undoubtedly generate benefits for all stakeholders, their learning strategies are often fixed into specific, closed locations and spaces, finding it difficult to develop once these spaces are challenged or closed due to restructuring and organisational change.Research limitations/implicationsThe paper does not suggest that this case is representative of all learning initiatives but it does seem that learning as a part of the inclusion and union renewal agenda is not clearly co‐ordinated in terms of their social, spatial and employment position.Originality/valueThis paper represents new empirical research presented at a time when learning initiatives as well as community initiatives are high on government's agenda particularly as they are encouraging “the third sector” to play an increasing role in providing public services. Similarly, the paper addresses issues of ethnicity, migration and learning, again a topic high on government agendas.

This guide aims to assist union representatives when discussing the issue ofabsence with management. The guide is designedas both a source of information and a generalnegotiating tool and to encourage you to questionwhat is included within your sickness absenceagreements and to understand what managementaim to achieve by them. The toolkit highlightshow union and management aims may differ inmanaging absence. It can also help you byproviding methods and arguments for gainingbetter agreements and developing more proactivestrategies.

Since the introduction of the statutory recognition procedure the vast majority of new agreements have been voluntary in nature, yet increasingly employers are using this ambiguous state regulation as a means of avoiding recognition. The legislation allows for the game of voluntarism to be enshrined within the micro level politics and social relationships of work and employment: it crystallizes the culture and history of voluntarism in the regulation itself. It is, in effect, ironic in how it balances change with tradition. It makes the new regulation pliable and difficult to see as a step to a state-led approach. There is a resistant trend to unions generally even if recognition cases may vary in terms of employer orientations. This article focuses on such issues by addressing a broader understanding of regulation through an ethnographic case study analysis.

This article explores the importance of class and collectivism to personal identity, and the role this played during a period of personal and collective crisis created by mass redundancy in the Welsh steel industry. The research findings demonstrate the importance of occupational identity to individual and collective identity formation. The apparent desire to maintain this collective identity acted as a form of resistance to the increased individualization of the post-redundancy experience, but rather than leading to excessive particularism, it served as a mechanism through which class-based thinking and class identity were articulated. It is argued that the continued concern for class identity reflected efforts to avoid submergence in an existence akin to Beck's (1992) vision of a class-free 'individualized society of employees'. These findings therefore challenge the notion of the pervasiveness of individualism and the dismissal of class and collective orientations as important influences on identity formation.