IntroductionWe examined associations between traditional Indigenous activities and self-perceived general and mental health in adult Indigenous persons living off-reserve in Canada using the 2012 and 2017 Aboriginal Peoples Surveys (APS), the two most recent datasets. We utilized four traditional Indigenous activities including hunting, making clothes or footwear, making arts or crafts, and gathering wild plants to investigate these self-reported data.MethodsData from 9,430 and 12,598 respondents from the 2012 and 2017 APS, respectively, who responded to 15 questions concerning traditional activities were assessed using multivariable logistic regression to produce odds ratios (OR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI). Covariates included age, sex, education-level, income-level, Indigenous identity, residential school connection, ability to speak an Indigenous language, smoking status, and alcohol consumption frequency.ResultsUsing the 2012 APS, clothes-making was associated with poor self-reported general (OR = 1.50, 95%CI: 1.12–1.99) and mental (OR = 1.59, 95%CI: 1.14–2.21) health. Hunting was associated with good mental health (OR = 0.71 95%CI: 0.56–0.93). Similarly, 2017 analyses found clothes-making associated with poor general health (OR = 1.25, 95%CI: 1.01–1.54), and hunting associated with good general (OR = 0.76, 95%CI: 0.64–0.89) and mental (OR = 0.69, 95%CI: 0.58–0.81) health. Artmaking was associated with poor general (OR = 1.37, 95%CI: 1.17–1.60) and mental (OR = 1.85, 95%CI: 1.58–2.17) health.ConclusionHunting had protective relationships with mental and general health, which may reflect benefits of participation or engagement of healthier individuals in this activity. Clothes-making and artmaking were associated with poor general and poor mental health, possibly representing reverse causation as these activities are often undertaken therapeutically. These findings have implications for future research, programs and policies concerning Indigenous health.

Indigenous peoples' perceptions of wellbeing differ from non-Indigenous constructs. Thus, it is imperative to recognize that Indigenous peoples will conceptualize wellbeing from their perspectives and set their own wellbeing priorities. In keeping with this viewpoint, the aims of the present study were to conceptualize wellbeing and determine what was (and is) important for wellbeing from Canadian Indigenous peoples' perspectives. In this paper, we take a partnership approach based on the elements of respect, equity, and empowerment. One primary data source and two existing data sources were examined and analyzed thematically utilizing a combination approach of deductive and inductive coding. Indigenous leadership and organizations viewed wellbeing holistically and conceptualized wellbeing multidimensionally. From across Canada, wellbeing was communicated as physical, economic, political, social, and cultural. The scaling of wellbeing represented a collectivist perspective, and land was the connecting thread between all types of wellbeing, being a place to practice cultural traditions, reassert one's Indigenous identity, find solace, and pass on Indigenous knowledge and languages. Although wellbeing was discussed in the context of the individual, family, community, and nation, wellbeing was most often discussed at the cultural level by regional and national Indigenous leadership and organizations. Even in acknowledging the great cultural diversity among Canadian Indigenous nations, four concordant themes were identified regionally and nationally, with respect to what was important for cultural wellbeing: land and water, sustainability, and inherent obligations; being on the land, and indigenous languages and knowledge systems; sustainable development; and meaningful involvement in decision-making, and free, prior, and informed consent. Taking into account these themes is foundational for any interaction with Indigenous peoples, especially in the context of land, culture, and development. There needs to be a new beginning on the journey to reconciliation with land and cultural wellbeing at the forefront.

Globally, mortality of Indigenous persons is greater than that of their non-Indigenous counterparts, which has been shown to be disproportionately attributable to non-communicable diseases. The historically subordinate position that Indigenous Knowledge (IK) held in comparison to Western science has shifted over the last several decades, with the credibility and importance of IK now being internationally recognized. Herein, we examine how Marsahall's (2014) Two-Eyed Seeing can foster collaborative and culturally relevant Developmental Origins of Health and Disease (DOHaD) studies for health and well-being by using '..the best in Indigenous ways of knowing…[and] the best in Western (or mainstream) ways of knowing…and learn to use both these eyes for the benefit of all.' At its core, Two-Eyed Seeing also includes the principles of ownership, control, access and possession, and Community-Based Participatory Research, which further reinforces the critical role of Indigenous peoples taking active roles in DOHaD research. Additionally, we also present a partnership model for working with Indigenous communities that includes the principles of respect, equity and empowerment. As researchers begin to fill the gap in Indigenous health, we outline how Two-Eyed Seeing should form the basis of DOHaD studies involving Indigenous communities. This model can be used to develop and guide projects that result in robust and meaningful participatory partnerships that have impactful uptake of research findings.

Purpose. To plan community-driven health promotion strategies based on a strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT) analysis of the healthy eating and physical activity patterns of First Nation (FN) youth. Design. Cross-sectional qualitative and quantitative data used to develop SWOT themes and strategies. Setting. Remote, subarctic FN community of Fort Albany, Ontario, Canada. Subjects. Adult (n = 25) and youth (n = 66, grades 6–11) community members. Measures. Qualitative data were collected using five focus groups with adults (two focus groups) and youth (three focus groups), seven individual interviews with adults, and an environmental scan of 13 direct observations of events/locations (e.g., the grocery store). Quantitative data on food/physical activity behaviors were collected using a validated Web-based survey with youth. Analysis. Themes were identified from qualitative and quantitative data and were analyzed and interpreted within a SWOT matrix. Results. Thirty-two SWOT themes were identified (e.g., accessibility of existing facilities, such as the gymnasium). The SWOT analysis showed how these themes could be combined and transformed into 12 strategies (e.g., expanding and enhancing the school snack/breakfast program) while integrating suggestions from the community. Conclusion. SWOT analysis was a beneficial tool that facilitated the combination of local data and community ideas in the development of targeted health promotion strategies for the FN community of Fort Albany.