We censused plants bearing ripe fruit along eight permanently marked transects to describe patterns of ripe fruit availability in a spatially interspersed patchwork of seasonally dry forests in the northern Florida Keys. Plants were sampled every four to six weeks between May 1998 and April 1999. We noted every tree, shrub, or vine with ripe fleshy fruits present and rated each stem for the proportion of fruit produced. This sampling scheme allowed us to describe periods of ripe fruit availability in the forest community, as well as for the fourteen most frequently encountered species. Ripe fruit availability peaked during the wet season (July-September), deciduous trees and evergreen shrubs produced most of the fruit in most months, and most of the species producing fruit were evergreen trees in all months.

During 1985–1989, numbers of the endangered Wood Stork (Mycteria americana) in the Water Conservation Areas of the Everglades, Florida, showed an annual peak in February or March of 1233 to 7874 birds. The annual maxima are significantly greater in dry years than in wet years (P < 0.05). Most storks are nonbreeders and are found foraging in open habitats along the eastern and southern parts of Conservation Area 1 and Conservation Area 2A and along the west‐central side of Conservation Area 3A. In dry years, large numbers move into the southern half of Conservation Area 3A. We estimated that in spring, the total southeastern United States population of Wood Storks is between 14,000 and 20,000 individuals. The annual maxima of the water conservation areas were at least 8% to 10% of the total southeastern U.S. population in wet years and possibly as much as 55% in dry years. The Water Conservation Areas appear to be critical foraging habitat for wintering storks, especially during drought years when most of the rest of south Florida is dry. Changes in the management of these areas could have a major impact on the status of storks throughout the southeastern United States.

ABSTRACTABSTRACTResponses given for not participating in one or more of 19 outdoor recreation activities are analyzed to ascertain whether individuals belonging to distinct recreation groups and socioeconomic categories perceive recreation opportunities in the same manner. The findings suggest that the opportunity theory of leisure may be applicable only to certain segments of the population. Individuals from the lower social strata and less active recreation groups suggest that lack of interest is their main reason for noninvolvement. The responses from the more active recreation segments of society indicate that price, time, and facilities are the main barriers to their pursuit of certain activities; of these, supply factors were considered the most important, then lack of time, and finally costs.On the basis of the results and in view of the large proportion of society which does not participate in many activities, it is concluded that more intensive use of data on why people do not participate would be helpful in recreation research.KEYWORDS: Nonparticipation dataperceptionrecreation opportunityinteresttimeprice facilities

Among the normative concerns of social scientists, one of the greatest lacunae is evaluation of government performance in light of populist democratic criteria. While formal theorists have continued elaborating models of a competitive political process, and while the search for an appropriate and serviceable welfare criterion goes on, the empirical application of our existing descriptive and prescriptive insights mostly waits in abeyance. This paper offers one attempt to apply formal criteria to the evaluation task. We first briefly develop several low-level, admittedly non-complex, statements about the expected outcome of public sector activity according to the median preference model. The model’s descriptive statements then serve as evaluative and comparative criteria as we test its adequacy under several assumptions concerning democratic responsivencss. Finally we attempt to explain variations in the degree of responsiveness exhibited by ten American urban governments by reference to three aspects of political structures. The value of our approach emanates, we believe, not from any new insight into the formal interpretations and predictions provided by positive political theorists. Rather, we consider the approach a nascent attempt to match formally derived expectations to non-experimental data from both public opinion surveys and aggregate characteristics of large American cities.

SOME TEMPORAL CONSIDERATIONS " OF BASIC URBAN DIMENSIONS IN THE SOUTHEAST: A FACTOR ANALYSIS SOLUTION Gerald H. Romsa and Wayne L. Hoffman9 For many years urban geographers have struggled with the problem of developing a rational and multivariate method of classifying cities. From Harris (1 ) to Hart (2 ) city classification schemes have been devised, but all with the major limitations of being constructed on one or a severely limited number of variables. With the advent of the modem computer and sophisticated statistical techniques, however, this problem has been largely overcome. Factor analysis solutions have allowed large numbers of variables to be simultaneously considered and basic urban dimensions identified. Once these key components emerge, classification on the generated factor scores can take place in several different ways. Two recent geographical studies illustrate this trend and procedure. Qazi Ahmad’s analysis of Indian cities subjected 62 variables for 102 political cities in India to statistical manipulation, and identified ten signifi­ cant urban dimensions. (3) The ten components were then employed in a grouping algorithm to classify and regionalize the cities. In their study of 157 British towns, Moser and Scott performed essentially the same operation. (4 ) A principal components solution was obtained for 57 variables and four underlying urban patterns identified. The factor scores obtained for each one of the cities then provided a basis for a qualitative classification. Despite these advances, much of the literature dealing with this problem remains devoid of hypothesis-formulation and theoretical significance, par­ ticularly when evaluating the stability of urban dimensions through time. Such evaluation is essential, for, if urban dimensions are not stable, classifica­ tion schemes would have to be revised accordingly. It is the purpose of this study to test the stability of urban dimensions for two points in time—1950 and 1960. Eighty-six political cities having populations of 25,000 or more in 1950 in the Southeastern United States have been selected for use (Fig. 1). That dimensions do remain stable and are not affected by the use of different city boundaries has been demonstrated by Ahmad. (5) Berry, in addition, states that dimensions for regional systems are stable through time. (6 ) King has attacked these contentions in his recent article on Canadian cities. (7) Collecting data for two time periods—1951 and 1961, for 106 *Mr. Rom sa and M r. H offm an are both d octoral ca n d id a te s in geography at the U niversity of F lo rid a , G a in e sv ille . The paper w as accepted fo r p u b lica tio n in Ja n u ary 1969. 2 S o u t h e a s t e r n G e o g r a p h e r Fig u re 1. South eastern c itie s in clu d e d in study. A LA B A M A 15. G a in e sv ille 34. Rom e 16. Ja ck s o n v ille 35. S avannah 1. A nn iston 17. Key W est 2. B essem er 18. Lake lan d K E N T U C K Y 3. B irm in g h am 19. M iam i 4. Gadsden 20. M iam i Beach 36. A sh lan d 5. M obile 21. O rland o 37. Covington 6. M ontgom ery 22. Panam a C ity 38. Lexington 7. T u scaloosa 23. Pensacola 39. L o u isv ille 24. St. Petersb urg 40. New port A R K A N S A S 25. T a llah assee 41. O w ensboro 26. Tam pa 42. Paducah 8. Fort Sm ith 27. W est Palm Beach 9. H ot S prin gs LO U ISIAN A 10. L ittle Rock G EO RGIA 11. N orth L ittle Rock 43. A lexandria 12. P in e B lu ff 28. A lb an y 44. Baton Rouge 29. A thens 45. Lafayette FLO R ID A 30. A tlanta 46. Lake Charles 31. Augusta 47. Monroe 13. D aytona Beach 32. C o lu m b u s 48. New O rleans 14. Fort...

THE DEFEAT OF A YOUNGSTOWN SCHOOL LEVY: A STUDY IN URBAN-POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY Stanley D. Brunn, Wayne L. Hoffman, and Gerald H. Romsa* INTRODUCTION. One of the major issues facing large urban centers at present is the financing of needed services such as schools, transportation schemes, garbage collection, and welfare. The rising cost of these services coupled with an inflationary economy in recent years has usually meant an increase in the per capita taxes, particularly for property holders. It is the purpose of this study to measure the public demand for one service, the financing of school programs, in a major northern city, Youngstown, Ohio. This demand is measured in terms of the citizens’response toward voting for or against the proposed levy. (1) This city attracted national attention in 1968 when the voters had failed then and on several occasions in 1966 and 1967 to approve the recommended school levies. Finally, after six previous failures, it was approved in May 1968. The financing of education projects such as classroom construction, current programs, and increased salaries is one of the most pressing and often most emotional issues citizens face. Within the past two years there have been various cities such as New York City, Detroit, and Chicago that have brought the issue of public education to the public fore. Numerous local “battles” have been fought where proposed hikes in school levies have been placed on the ballot. Often the failure to approve the necessary levies can and does result in several short term effects such as the halt in building expansion, discontinuation of kindergarten classes, cutback in monies for operating, loss of capable teachers and administrators because of no pay increases, and possibly even the termination of extracurricular activities and transportation of students. The long term effects may lead to a severe cutback in all programs, failure to attract qualified personnel, and even loss of accreditation. The opinions of residents toward the financing of schools and associated programs as expressed in their vote are expected to vary over geographic space as they have for other much-needed city services such as urban renewal, flouridation, library funds, and fire stations. When considering school bond referendums, it is often expected that the support simply comes from parents of school-age children rather than older citizens. However, this notion is far too general. There are many segments of a city that must be considered in an analysis that measures the areal response, such as the *Dr. Brunn is assistant professor of geography at Michigan State University, Mr. Hoffman is instructor of geography at Wisconsin State University, Oshkosh, and Dr. Romsa is assistant professor of geography at Western Kentucky University. The paper was accepted for publication in July 1969. 68 So u th ea st er n G e o g r a ph er role of property tax voters versus renters, occupation classes, income groups, labor unions, political parties, and supporters of parochial education. An investigation into the Youngstown vote attests that an adequate explanation into the areal variations ofpositive and negative responses do not substantiate many a priori notions. The first school bond referendum submitted to the Youngstown voters was on December 13, 1966. This failed miserably, as did the next four referendums. The November 5, 1968 levy was somewhat more successful, as it was only narrowly defeated (Table 1). It is the November 1968 vote that is analyzed in this study. (2) The defeats of all six referendums were attributed to a variety of tangible and intangible factors, such as the tax­ payers’ “revolt,” voter apathy even for parents of school-age children, alienation of community toward school policies such as increased teachers’ salaries, poorly timed and planned elections, lack of strong support from labor unions, certain second-generation foreign-born who favored parochial to public schools, and lack of strong endorsement by leading city officials. A number of school and community leaders were very concerned and embarrassed about these defeats because of the then-existing plus possible additional cutback in programs, the immediate and long term consequences to the students, quality of education, and even the image these continued defeats were giving the city. (3) TABLE 1 YOUNGSTOWN SCHOOL LEVY...