We investigate how and to what extent hierarchical relations (e.g., Japan ⊂ Eastern Asia ⊂ Asia) are encoded in the internal representations of language models. Building on Linear Relational Concepts, we train linear transformations specific to each hierarchical depth and semantic domain, and characterize representational differences associated with hierarchical relations by comparing these transformations. Going beyond prior work on the representational geometry of hierarchies in LMs, our analysis covers multi-token entities and cross-layer representations. Across multiple domains we learn such transformations and evaluate in-domain generalization to unseen data and cross-domain transfer. Experiments show that, within a domain, hierarchical relations can be linearly recovered from model representations. We then analyze how hierarchical information is encoded in representation space. We find that it is encoded in a relatively low-dimensional subspace and that this subspace tends to be domain-specific. Our main result is that hierarchy representation is highly similar across these domain-specific subspaces. Overall, we find that all models considered in our experiments encode concept hierarchies in the form of highly interpretable linear representations.
For constructing text embeddings, mean pooling, which averages token embeddings, is the standard approach. This paper examines whether mean pooling actually works well in real models. First, we note that mean pooling can collapse information beyond the first-order statistics of the token embeddings, such as second-order statistics that capture their spatial structure, potentially mapping distinct token embedding distributions to similar text embeddings. Motivated by this concern, we propose a simple metric to quantify such a collapse induced by mean pooling. Then, using this metric, we empirically measure how often this collapse occurs in actual models and texts, and find that modern text encoders are robust to this collapse. In particular, contrastive fine-tuned text encoders tend to be less prone to the collapse than their pretrained backbone models. We also find that the robustness of these text encoders lies in the concentration of token embeddings within each text. In addition, we find that robustness to the collapse, as quantified by our proposed metric, correlates with downstream task performance. Overall, our findings offer a new perspective on why modern text encoders remain effective despite relying on seemingly coarse mean pooling.
Surprisal theory hypothesizes that the difficulty of human sentence processing increases linearly with surprisal, the negative log-probability of a word given its context. Computational psycholinguistics has tested this hypothesis using language models (LMs) as proxies for human prediction. While surprisal derived from recent neural LMs generally captures human processing difficulty on naturalistic corpora that predominantly consist of simple sentences, it severely underestimates processing difficulty on sentences that require syntactic disambiguation (garden-path effects). This leads to the claim that the processing difficulty of such sentences cannot be reduced to surprisal, although it remains possible that neural LMs simply differ from humans in next-word prediction. In this paper, we investigate whether it is truly impossible to construct a neural LM that can explain garden-path effects via surprisal. Specifically, instead of evaluating off-the-shelf neural LMs, we fine-tune these LMs on garden-path sentences so as to better align surprisal-based reading-time estimates with actual human reading times. Our results show that fine-tuned LMs do not overfit and successfully capture human reading slowdowns on held-out garden-path items; they even improve predictive power for human reading times on naturalistic corpora and preserve their general LM capabilities. These results provide an existence proof for a neural LM that can explain both garden-path effects and naturalistic reading times via surprisal, but also raise a theoretical question: what kind of evidence can truly falsify surprisal theory?
This study demonstrates an alignment of per-word processing time in a popular state-space language model Mamba and human readers. In Mamba, the recurrent state transition at each layer conceptually takes some duration of time, the discretization timestep Δ_t, determined dynamically in response to the input. Using a naturalistic reading dataset, we show that the per-word timestep from Mamba is a significant predictor of human reading times, and remains significant even when known predictors such as GPT-2 surprisal are controlled for. We further suggest, through formal analysis of Mamba's architecture and internal dynamics, that Mamba can serve as a new, valuable lens to look at human real-time language processing with ever-updated memory, because it allows us to look at how each module (layer) weighs short- and long-term information retention, and how noise may interact with dynamic, continuous memory representation. Code is available online.
