The Sparlösa inscription probably dates to c. 800 AD. In the first part, æirikis sunr has been understood as ‘Erik’s son’, but it makes more sense to interpret it as ‘the king’s son’, with æirikir meaning: ‘sole ruler’, i.e. ‘king’. The initial letter ᴀ is followed by a punctuation mark, which probably indicates it to be read twice, firstly as the name of the rune: ar ‘good year, good harvest’ and secondly as the first letter of the name Æiuls, a form of Æiwisl. The sentence should accordingly be interpreted: ‘Ävisel, the king’s son, gave good harvest. Alrik [also] gave.’ Since it is stated that Alrik had the runes carved for Ävisel, the conclusion is that Alrik was the king. Thus, the Sparlösa stone was erected by a father for his deceased son, just as the Rök stone. The byname of Alrik, written lubu and lu--ʀ, probably was lyᵬ(i)r < *luᵬjar, nomen agentis to Old Norse lyfja ‘heal by magic’. Later in the inscription, Alrik is also called frøyr ‘lord’ and faðir ‘father’. Towards the end, there is half a stanza in fornyrðislag, which here is interpreted as: Sægs nu frøyi/þat sigmærr hæiti/magur æirikis,/mæginjaru þunna ‘It is now said to the lord that famous for victories the king’s son should be called in the great battle of dins’. This probably means that although Ävisel is dead, the king is comforted by the prospect that his son will, as being famous for victories, fight with the einherjar at the din of weapons of the last great battle at Ragnarök. Again, this has a parallel in the Rök inscription.
To investigate a plateau at the Viking Age settlement of Birka-Korshamn, Björkö, Sweden a 31 x 16 m terrace was surveyed with a single-channel ground-penetrating radar (GPR). A 500 MHz antenna was used to detect archaeological features. The research questions aimed to investigate any remains of archaeological activities in connection to an earlier identified wharf, establish a stratigraphy, get information about the geology and compare the data with other archaeological sources, e.g. LiDAR, aerial photographs, inventories and excavations. The survey identified two unregistered burial mounds not visible above the ground connecting the large burial fields at the site while house structures connected to the terrace were more difficult to establish even if the data clearly indicates several archaeological features.
This article discusses a previously overlooked find from a cairn at Igelsta- 1943, several graves in a large cemetery were excavated here, one of which yielded a Roman cauldron along with mounts for two drinking horns. Hide fragments found beneath the cauldron were initially interpreted as the remains of a bear pelt. However, a re-examination of the finds at the National Historical Museum of Sweden in 2023 revealed that the hide fragments were actually parts of a shoe dating from around 70-250 AD. The shoe design has some parallels in Roman material. Further, the construction history of the monumental grave where the fragments were found appears to be more complex than previously assumed. Radio carbon dating indicates the cremated bones found near the cauldron belonged to an earlier burial. The presence of the shoe, along with high-status artefacts, suggests this is one of the most spectacular Early Iron Age contexts in the eastern part of central Sweden. The burial reflects both local traditions and Roman influences, suggesting a hybrid ritual practice that underscores the cultural and symbolic significance of footwear in the Early Iron Age.
Since the late 19th century, chance finds and archaeological excavations in Sigtuna have brought to light seven small hoards and at least 103 singly found coins dating from the Viking Age. What was the role of these coins? A close examination of the archaeological context of each find may give indications of the last instance of use of the coin at the moment when it was deposited in the ground. However, this requires that the excavations are carried out according to the single-context method, which was not the case in Sigtuna before 1999. Since then, Viking Age coins have been found at five excavations. In all, 33 singly found coins and five small hoards have come to light. While a few coins had been redeposited by various kinds of earth work, most coins were in their original position or very close to it. Some coins had been deliberately deposited in graves, and there are one or two instances of house offerings. A few coins may be interpreted as raw material for the silversmith, but the bulk of the coins seems to be accidental losses from everyday coin circulation. They were widely scattered over the excavated surfaces, mostly being from private premises, showing that coin use was a general phenomenon in the life of the city. Many finds could be linked to craft workshops. Seemingly, coin use did not take off before c. 1020. This coincides with the quasi-halt of coin production in Sigtuna and may explain why so few locally produced coins are found in the city.
The parish of Torsåker in the province of Ångermanland was one of the parishes of Ådalen where the old monuments from the late Iron Age were hardest affected by the large-scale cultivation during the 18th and 19th centuries. Almost an entire prehistoric landscape consisting of large or small grave mounds situated on the flat valleys along the river Ångermanälven had been wiped out. The information about where the grave mounds were situated is however preserved in the old inventories and on many historical maps of the villages of Torsåker. This information has provided very important knowledge in the work of reconstructing a part of this prehistoric landscape. The material from four villages (Björned, Hola, Hämra and Kärvsta) has been studied, analysed and compared. The study shows that it is entirely possible to find the places of removed grave mounds and also to identify areas with grave fields and groups of graves. The parish of Torsåker seems to have been one of the richest parishes in Ångermanland, with a high status during the late Iron Age, due to the unusually many large grave mounds and even so-called king’s mounds.
In 1950 a stick with runes dated to the early 9th century was found in Staraja Ladoga. The inscription has most recently been interpreted by Ottar Grønvik and Yuriy Kuzmenko. Kuzmenko proceeds from the assumption that the stick belongs to a distaff. He transcribes and translates: Tó/Þófi er of variðr, hali veltr, hræls fránman á grannt fimbulssin(ni). Nef/Iflaug á. ‘The tow is dressed above. The spindle is rotating. The flashing girl of the “reel” will have a fine long thread. Neflaug (or: Iflaug) possesses (this distaff).’ The interpretation can be criticized on several points, and it is hard to accept the interpretation as a whole. Ottar Grønvik transcribes and translates: …[hel]t yfir – of vaRiðR halli vallaR rífs – fránmanna grænd fimbulsinni plóga. ‘… and steered – surrounded by the hillside (the slopes) down to the fertile field – over the neighbourhood of brave men a large retinue of ploughs’ [my translation]. The proposal of Grønvik is linguistically without objections and appealing in content, but some changes would strengthen the interpretation: Yfir of waRiðR hali waliR (h)ríms. Frán manna grænd fimbulsinni plóga. ‘The rimy battlefield covered with stone. From the neighbourhood of men a large retinue of ploughs.’
This article deals with books pointing to Christian influence in the Viking Age town of Birka. Three aspects are emphasized: written sources, finds of parts of books and related objects, and illustrations as models for handicraft. Special attention is paid to technical details. It begins with mentions of books connected with missionaries. The information derives from documents by Rimbert and Adam of Bremen. Connected with books are some book mounts turned into pendants, found in graves, that are proofs of magic or Christian influence. Of major importance is the well-known “Birka crucifix”, where the image of Christ is covered with tiny silver grains and no cross is visible. The author is convinced that illustrations in a work by Hrabanus Maurus, De laudibus sanctae crucis, have been model for the design of the crucifix. Also a number of miniature shields and cross pendants could be traced to this publication. Some of them even appear to have been made with the same tool. Other pendants, such as a tiny reliquary, as well as serpents and miniature chairs, with obvious Christian background, are discussed.
In 2020 an excavation at Borstahusen, Scania, southern Sweden, revealed rich archaeological remains from prehistoric wetland activities. The wetland had been visited during many different periods, from the Mesolithic onwards, but particularly during the Bronze Age, 1200–800 BC. A large part of the wetland was investigated with a multidisciplinary approach, which provided a complex picture of human activities in and close by the wetland. The preservation of bones and plant remains was relatively good, and there was a rich find material of flint, stone, and ceramics. Numerous cooking pits, together with animal bones, charred cereal grain and other plant macrofossils, indicate cooking activities by the edge of the wetland. Both microwear on flint tools and cutmarks on bones show that butchering and consumption, particularly of cattle, took place on the site. Microwear also indicates that the flint tools were used for working hides and for producing craft items of bone/antler. In addition to domestic animals, bones of wild game, seals and fish indicate hunting, sealing and fishing. Some depositions in the wetland and particularly in the cooking pits indicate ritual practices, but the overall impression is that most of the remains originate from domestic, practical activities, possibly associated with social gatherings and feasting. This conclusion deviates from several earlier studies of the Bronze Age, where wetlands are pictured first and foremost as environments for offerings and other rituals.
The runestone U 115 consists of five fragments, which were (re)discovered at the beginning of the 1950s in the foundation of a building at the farm Nedra Runby in Ed parish, north of Stockholm. It has been assumed that there is no direct fit between the fragments, but a closer examination shows that they make up an almost complete runestone with only a few runes missing. This conclusion is substantiated by some previously overlooked accounts from the 18th century, which makes it possible to reconstruct the whole inscription. The formulation of the text turns out to be rather unexpected, and the inscription does not seem to have been completed. In the article there is also a discussion of possible relations between the persons mentioned on U 115 and the family behind the runic boulder U 114 at Runby, as well as possible connections with the medieval noble family known as Rumby-ätten. Finally, the original position of U 115 and the relations to the other runic monuments at Runby are investigated.
