This paper considers how community-led peace initiatives become drivers of economic development, infrastructure improvement and service delivery that are critical to peace and stability. It examines how grassroots peacebuilding, particularly through Local Peace Committees (LPCs) established by the Ecumenical Church Leaders Forum (ECLF), has contributed to post-conflict development and social stability in the Matabeleland region of Zimbabwe. The role of LPCs in facilitating community projects, restoring trust in leadership and promoting inclusive participation in development planning is assessed with the aim of contributing to the broader African debates on how locally driven development can anchor sustainable peace and stability, especially in the absence of strong state intervention. The paper draws on interviews with ECLF staff and community members from Matabeleland to assess how these efforts are creating tangible peace dividends and helping to stabilise a region marked by a history of unresolved conflict following the Gukurahundi atrocities and where a sense of neglect by central government is alive and well. The results show that LPCs are effective community structures that facilitate development by promoting social cohesion and that the strength of the LPCs lies in the fact that they are community-driven initiatives.
This article critically examines whether the 2025 Tenth Amendment to the Constitution of Lesotho constitutes a substantive transformation in the governance of national security institutions or merely a reconfiguration of entrenched power relations. Grounded in Lesotho’s history of political instability and recurrent security-sector involvement in governance, the study adopts a qualitative doctrinal and interpretive institutional approach. It analyses the extent to which the Amendment restructures authority, strengthens oversight and promotes the depoliticisation of coercive institutions. The article finds that while the Amendment introduces important procedural reforms – particularly in relation to appointments, oversight mechanisms and professional standards – it does not fundamentally alter the concentration of authority within the executive. Consequently, the reforms align with international and regional norms on democratic security-sector governance yet fall short of achieving meaningful structural transformation. Executive dominance continues to shape the incentives that historically enabled politicisation. The article argues that constitutional reform in this context operates within the limits of constitutional engineering: enhancing formal accountability without fully addressing underlying political dynamics. Nonetheless, the Amendment provides a framework that may, over time, support the gradual consolidation of constitutionalism and institutional neutrality.
This study critically examines the persistent exclusion of women from formal peace processes. Through an in-depth case study of Liberia’s peace negotiations and analysis of global peacebuilding literature, it challenges the assumption that women are excluded because they lack the capacity to meaningfully participate. The study reveals that even when women possess significant conflict-resolution experience and leadership skills, as evidenced by Liberian women’s instrumental role in ending the civil wars in their country, they remain relegated to observer status in formal negotiations. The research also demonstrates how patriarchal power structures systematically limit women’s participation despite their demonstrated peacebuilding competencies. The paper proposes concrete policy recommendations, including enforceable participation quotas and gender-sensitive peacebuilding guidelines, to transform symbolic inclusion into substantive participation
The design of the African Standby Force (ASF) was informed by threat scenarios in Africa following the end of the Cold War. Despite being declared operationally ready in 2015, the ASF is yet to be utilised in its originally envisaged form. Instead, African states have devised measures to address threats outside the ASF's defined scenarios. We explore how deficits in the various threat response models deployed by the African Union (AU) over the years produced lessons that shaped the context for AU member states' preference for ad hoc security initiatives to address their shared security challenges. Through this, we contribute to the growing literature on ad hoc security coalitions (AHSCs) by curating relevant lessons learned from their deployment and how the AU can develop a structured framework to guide future operations. We do so by discussing two AHSCs deployed on the continent: the Coalition of States in East Africa against the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Sudan, and the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) against Boko Haram in Nigeria. We elaborate on particular aspects of their operations that produce lessons and how the AU has leveraged some of these lessons.
This paper examines internal and external mediation efforts aimed at addressing the devastating war in Sudan. The nature and scale of the war in Sudan make mediation extremely difficult but also increasingly urgent. The paper engages with existing mediation frameworks and tackles complexities of peacemaking efforts in Sudan. It adopts a qualitative approach, relies on an actor-focused analysis, desk review of mediation literature and initiatives, and stakeholder interviews with academics, civil society activists, politicians and experts. The war in Sudan is proving difficult for mediators and peacemakers due to the entanglements of sociopolitical, geographical, economic, regional and international factors. This is not simply a war between two armies, but a political and social conflict, with regional and international dimensions. Several internal and external mediations emerged to address the war. Internal initiatives failed due to the lack of a clear vision, deep societal divisions, weak mediation capacity, complexity of the crisis, short-term interests and the lack of genuine commitment to inclusive peace. External actors simplify the crisis by not fully acknowledging the diversity of political forces at play. This overlooked the multifaceted nature of the situation. As a result, the complexity of the conflict is ignored, leading to stalemates in the mediation initiatives.
This paper presents a contextually grounded analysis of governance and community-based strategies for preventing violent extremism and terrorism in Ghana, a country situated at the intersection of regional insecurity and democratic stability. Unlike prior studies that take a generic policy view or ignore local dynamics, this paper integrates governance theories with empirical evidence drawn from Ghana's high-risk border regions. It employs qualitative methods, specifically semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions with a diverse range of stakeholders, including policymakers, security professionals, community leaders and civil society actors. The findings reveal how entrenched governance challenges, such as resource and capacity deficits, political interference and weak inter-agency collaboration intersect with acute socio-economic vulnerabilities to undermine effective prevention efforts. Notably, the study highlights the pivotal yet underacknowledged role of community engagement and grassroots participation in fostering resilience, while identifying deficiencies in existing counter-terrorism frameworks, particularly the lack of an operational definition of violent extremism and the top-down implementation approach. By bridging theoretical models with on-the-ground realities, the paper advances a multi-level framework for policy and practice that foregrounds community agency, inclusive governance and context-driven responses. It concludes with concrete, tailored recommendations to enhance both state and societal resilience, setting it apart from previous, less integrative approaches to extremism prevention in West Africa.
Conflicts, violence and breaches of discipline are common in Zimbabwean schools. Teachers have always used retributive practices, particularly corporal punishment, to deal with these problems, but this approach has been outlawed since 2013. Since then, teachers have struggled to handle indiscipline without using corporal punishment. Restorative disciplinary practices such as restorative conferences, peer mediation and peacebuilding circles are possible alternatives but to date have been little used in Zimbabwe. This article reports an action research project that introduced restorative conferences with Form 2 learners in one large urban high school between October 2022 and May 2023. A short-term evaluation of the use of such conferences found strong support from learners, teachers and parents. This finding suggests the potential benefits of restorative conferences and related practices as a way of building more peaceful school communities.
Lesotho's protracted history of political instability and authoritarian governance between 1970 and 1992 has entrenched a culture of violence, the effects of which continue to undermine peacebuilding efforts under the current democratic dispensation (1993-2025). The novelty of this paper lies in its illustration of the utility of transitional justice in situations of political instability that are not characterised by large-scale civil wars or violence. The paper argues that sustainable peace and reconciliation require institutionalising a robust, context-sensitive transitional justice framework aligned with the African Union Transitional Justice Policy (AUTJP). Drawing on qualitative analysis of historical records and expert interviews of purposively sampled experts between 2024 and 2025 by the Lesotho Council of Non-Governmental Organisations and the Strategic Institute for Research and Dialogue, the study identifies a lack of coordinated, victim-centred justice responses to past human rights violations. The AUTJP offers a strategic blueprint for embedding transitional justice into Lesotho's ongoing governance reforms. The study finds that combining retributive, restorative and redistributive justice approaches-while rooted in local traditions-can help address structural grievances and enhance the legitimacy of the reforms. Ultimately, the paper makes the case for adopting a legally grounded, nationally owned and participatory transitional justice policy informed by African and international best practices.
This article deals with the peacebuilding impact of the Transitional Justice Policy of Ethiopia (TJPE) through an explanatory case study approach that contextualises the discourse of transitional justice and peace within the specific context of Ethiopia. Drawing on existing literature on the peace implications of transitional justice systems, the study develops a framework that emphasises the need for a balanced approach that integrates retributive and restorative justice mechanisms. Foregrounding the TJPE, the article identifies both prospects and limitations. The processes of truth-seeking and accountability for past, recent and present human rights abuses, fighting the culture of impunity and building social trust are the primary prospects. However, certain factors could undermine the peacebuilding contributions of the transitional justice programme. These factors include political capture, the politics of striking mutual innocence pacts, predicaments of political legitimacy, harmonising reconciliation and justice and ongoing conflicts. Generally, beyond the textual and institutional design, the political system and its dynamics have much bearing on the effectiveness of the TJPE in bringing about durable peace.
The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD/the Convention) is a response to apartheid in pre-democratic South Africa. Article 6 obliges states to provide reparations to victims of discrimination. However, 31 years into its democracy, South Africa is haunted by a poor record of prosecuting apartheid. While popular discussions focus on the failure of the government to prosecute, this article focuses on the extent of the Convention’s domestic impact on the prosecutions. This contribution uses a working definition of domestic impact, which emphasises the efforts of all stakeholders in the state’s reporting process. The contribution relies on data collected through desktop research and semi-structured interviews with people working on race-related issues, to assess the extent to which article 6 of the Convention has been realized. Arguing that the Convention has made a delayed and limited impact on prosecutions, the article discusses factors that have hindered impact and provides recommendations towards the realisation of article 6 of the Convention.
In Tanzania, conflicts over land resources between pastoralists and farmers have been pervasive, especially in Mvomero District despite numerous efforts by the government to resolve them. This study is based on secondary data concerning the persistence of conflict, complemented by thematic analysis of six key informant interviews from three villages in Mvomero District: Kambala, Bungoma and Mkindo. The goal is to understand the evolving nature of land conflicts, the effectiveness of conflict-resolution mechanisms and the impacts on both farmers and pastoralists. The findings reveal that efforts to address land conflicts are hindered by several factors: inadequate resources, low levels of knowledge and awareness about land matters, the absence of village land councils, a lack of Village Land Use Plans (VLUPs), especially in pastoralist-dominated villages and insufficient and uncoordinated information. Drawing on theories of principled negotiation and conflict resolution, this paper argues that there is no single resolution strategy suitable for all conflicts, as each setting is unique even within the same village. In light of these findings, the paper recommends that stakeholders should follow up initial coercive interventions with negotiated approaches to ensure long-term stability.
The question of land has increasingly become a major source of conflicts in many parts of Africa. In Nigeria, claims of rights over landholdings and justice administration of land disputes, though of great concern, have received inadequate attention in the literature. In this context, this paper examines Nozickian distributive justice vis-à-vis land-related conflicts in the Panda Development Area (PDA), Nasarawa state, Nigeria. It focuses on perennial delays-cum-unfavourable rectification of unjust landholdings as drivers of conflict in the area. The study employs the survey method of data collection using key-informant interviews. It adopts a qualitative descriptive method to analyse the data. The paper found that over 80% of the population in the study area rely on agriculture, and that there are numerous contestations over land use and ownership. Unfortunately, still, adjudication of these cases lingers unnecessarily, resulting in distrust, antagonisms and violent confrontations. The study recommends fundamental reform of Nigeria’s justice system as it relates to land matters to ensure more equitable distribution of land. Such reform should include the introduction of special courts as well as the mainstreaming of traditional institutions, local and ad-hoc arbitrators into the dispute resolution mechanisms of land-related cases.
The clashes between Fulani herdsmen and farmers in Nigeria have become endemic and persistent for decades. Climate change, cattle rustling, expansion of cultivated lands and population growth are among the major drivers of these clashes. However, the trends in the clashes in recent years suggest strong political, religious, ethnic and economic undertones. The recurrent and escalating nature of the violence in recent times is worrisome and despite the existing security efforts at the federal and state levels, the conflict remains unabated. This research examines the farmer–Fulani herdsmen clashes and their impact on the socio-economic development of southern Kaduna state. To explain the multifaceted nature of the clashes and how they affect the livelihoods of the affected communities, the study employs a theory of frustration and conflict, a quantitative research method, a survey research design and inferential statistics to analyse data. Findings from the research show an intricate interplay of socio-political, economic and ethno-religious factors in the violent clashes, a lack of feasible and realistic grazing policies and a lack of strong political will to address the conflict.
Against the backdrop of more than 20 years of existence of the United Nations Organization Mission in Congo/Mission de l'Organization des Nations Unies au Congo (MONUSCO), the East African Community (EAC) deployed a military force in the eastern part of the country in November 2022. The purpose of the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF) was to contribute towards the resolution of the conflict that has ravaged the region for decades, and specifically to neutralise the M23 resurgence and the numerous informal armed groups. The regional economic community that brings together eight countries, namely, Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda was doing this for the first time since its establishment in 1999. Slightly over a year since its deployment, and eventual withdrawal in December 2023, there are several questions that arise which are the subject of this article: (i) Why did the EAC deploy EACRF when there is MONUSCO? (ii) to what extent had EACRF achieved its objective? (iii) was the mandate of the regional force appropriate for the situation in eastern DRC and how did it compare to that of MONUSCO? (iv) what are the challenges and prospects for peace, security and political stability in the DRC? While the article relies predominantly on secondary data, it taps into limited primary sources obtained by one of the authors during field humanitarian assignments in different parts in DRC.
With a market reach of approximately 600 million people and straddling 21 countries, the COMESA bloc occupies a vast chunk of the continent. Contemporary literature on the region generally points to huge macroeconomic potential in as far as the holistic developmental and wealth creation projections are concerned. Nonetheless, a sizeable number of COMESA countries have, from time to time, experienced phases of complex regime transition, a state of affairs that comes with an aura of regional instability, thereby undermining the prosperity prospects of a trading bloc that boasts a combined GDP of US$ 768 billion. Over the past decade, a sizeable number of these countries have been faced with one form or another of political turmoil and assorted civil strife, especially within the context of regime transitions and/or change of power from one government to the next. Against this background, through the lenses of neofunctionalism and liberal institutionalist theories, this paper examines the question of how best to ensure and/or maintain regional stability in the midst of such complex regime transitions, with the view of teasing out the challenges and opportunities before offering sustainable policy recommendations for COMESA countries.
Abiy Ahmed's assumption of power in Ethiopia in April 2018 brought positive changes that were lauded internationally but unwelcomed by the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF)-one of the coalition parties in the Ethiopian government. In November 2020, the Ethiopian Federal Government commenced a massive 'law enforcement operation' in the Tigray region against the TPLF. Eritrea's involvement in the conflict alongside the Ethiopian government internationalised it. This article analyses Eritrea's involvement in the Tigray conflict. Since their 1998 border war over the Badme region, Eritrea and Ethiopia have had frosty relations. To date, they are still mending these relationships despite their 2018 rapprochement. This article argues that the alliance of the Ethiopian government with Eritrea against the TPLF could be a case of 'the enemy of my enemy is my friend' and thus examines Ethiopia-Eritrea relations and their strategic considerations that necessitated this alliance. Adopting the realist theory of international relations, the study reviews literature and historically analyses the relations between the two countries. The study's main objective is to understand their strategic considerations for conflict and cooperation at different times in history and particularly in the Tigray conflict. The study's findings reveal that amid the Ethiopia-Eritrea relations are Eritrean-Tigrayan relations, anchored in issues of identity construction and deconstruction, statehood and sovereignty, animosity, mistrust and apprehension. The study recommends that the relations between Abiy Ahmed's government, Eritrea and the TPLF should be keenly monitored and managed for the stability of the two countries and the Horn of Africa region.
The continued threat of insurgency in Mozambique has triggered academic and policy interest in the recent past. Indeed, the ramifications caused by acts of insurgency globally and in Africa remain endemic. This calls for the need to establish sustainable and context-specific interventions at regional and national levels. The Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) regions have not been spared from the lethality of insurgency, with Mozambique morphing into the epicentre of interest. Insurgency has caused untold suffering to communities in Mozambique's Cabo Delgado province, prompting the deployment of a SADC mission. As a regional peace operation, the SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) was deployed on 15 July 2021 following approval by the Extraordinary SADC Summit of Heads of State and Government held in Maputo, Mozambique on 23 June 2021. The main objective of SAMIM was to support the Republic of Mozambique to combat armed groups and acts of insurgency, particularly in the Cabo Delgado province. This article seeks to understand the impact of the SAMIM intervention. It mainly interrogates SAMIM's mandate, structure, success, challenges and lessons learned using both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies and various open data sources, including programmatic documents.
