The paper presents the values of the formant frequencies of stressed vowels (F1, F2, F3) in speakers of the urban variety of Niš. For the purposes of the research, 20 speakers were recorded – 10 male and 10 female. The corpus consisted of disyllabic words without post-stress length that demonstrated all five vowels in four normatively expected categories. The recorded material was analyzed using the speech processing software PRAAT (version 6.0.14, Boersma, Weenink 2015). The obtained data were subjected to quantitative analysis (SPSS v. 21): descriptive statistics were performed for each acoustically examined parameter, and it was tested whether there was a statistically significant relationship between the obtained values and the (non-)linguistic variables examined in this study. The results of this research are significant not only for phonetics, but also for other disciplines focused on the study of urban varieties – sociolinguistics, sociophonetics and forensic phonetics. Based on the experimental research (acoustic analysis), the study provides insights into the acoustic characteristics of vowels in the urban variety of Niš.
The work offers various methods of examining the meanings and uses of verb tense forms in Slavic languages, along with a critical review. The majority of the paper is devoted to Acad. Alexander V. Bondarko’s “theory (model) of functionalsemantic fields”, which is the functional investigation of aspectual-temporal relations. The author points out the indirect connection between this concept and the wellknown “theory of indicative and relative” by Acad. Aleksandar Belić and the “theory of referentiality / non-referentiality” by Acad. Milka Ivić. The functional-semantic field of temporality model permits the use of grammaticalized verb forms as a centre (including grammaticalized aspectual-temporal forms used in the absolute indicative and their correlational relationships), as well as means with incomplete “temporal” grammaticalization and grammaticalized transposed grammatical forms (relative indicative) as an immediate periphery of the given field. In addition to these means, certain “non-temporal” (grammaticalized) verb forms (remote periphery) play a significant role in structuring the functional-semantic field of temporality. These verb forms have a modal function as their base function, and because of their “temporal orientation” (particularly prospective) and non-realization action qualities, they have correlational relationships with aspectual-temporal grammaticalized and non-grammaticalized forms, as well as other language means, irrespective of their level of grammaticalization. Particular emphasis is placed in the work on the necessity of approaching Slavic tenses differently than those in the Western European languages, which are distinguished by their sequence of tenses (Lat. consecutio temporum, Fr. concordance des temps). The main reason for this is the existence of aspectual opposition, which is conditioned by the lexically and grammatically expressed categories of perfectivity and imperfectivity of verbal action. This phenomenon, known as the non-concordance of tenses, is a characteristic feature of the Slavic languages. The author highlights that the ability of verbal aspect to influence the choice (demarcation) of usage of verb forms in Slavic languages, as well as the lexical and syntactic valency of words, is to determine whether those forms have temporal or modal meaning.
The subject of this paper is prefixed verbs in contemporary Serbian which, in the heading of a dictionary entry, bear both aspectual labels – perfective (svr(š).) and imperfective (nesvr(š).) – as well as prefixed verbs in which at least one of the semantic realizations can appear in both aspects, or in which aspectual markers alternate within a polysemous structure. Although biaspectuality in prefixed verbs is uncommon, since prefixes typically introduce perfectivity, a considerable number of such verbs have been recorded in a corpus compiled from descriptive dictionaries of the Serbian language. The aim of the study is to examine the nature of this biaspectuality, to describe its types, and to determine whether these are indeed genuine biaspectual verbs in every case. The material shows that biaspectuality occurs both in prefixed verbs formed from bound stems and in verbs where the prefix carries lexical meaning and performs a mutational function. A particular phenomenon is formal biaspectuality, which represents the coexistence of imperfective verbs (formed through secondary imperfectivization of prefixed verbs) and perfective prefixed verbs within a single dictionary entry. This phenomenon should be distinguished from biaspectuality as a grammatical category; in this case, it is a lexical phenomenon – homonymy.
The paper presents a new project in Slavic lexicography, the ideographic “Comparative Dictionary of Slavic Languages”. The project is being implemented at the Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences under the leadership of Academician S. M. Tolstoy. The idea of creating a dictionary has appeared in the Moscow Ethnolinguistic School, namely in its part that is primarily related to the study of language and is traditionally called “narrow” ethnolinguistics. The dictionary is intended as a supplement to the well-known ideographic dictionary of selected Indo-European synonyms by C. D. Buck, which contains material from only five Slavic languages, with significant errors. The comparative dictionary will include all the meanings presented in Buck’s dictionary (belonging to 22 thematic groups of the basic lexicon), with some additions. The structure of each entry will follow Buck’s pattern with some changes. It will contain a list of lexemes expressing a meaning in 16 Slavic and 5 non-Slavic languages (Romanian, Albanian, Greek, Hungarian and Lithuanian), as well as a detailed explication of the meaning. Unlike Buck’s dictionary, in addition to a description of the motivation and etymology of the word, the dictionary will contain a description of other semantic features of the word: secondary meanings, semantics of derivatives, connotations, lexical-typological features. When Slavic languages differ in the way of conceptualizing meaning, the dictionary describes the motivational features of each of the Slavic synonyms, differences in the lexical view of the world in different Slavic languages, areal oppositions. In the future, the dictionary should become the basis for various studies of the Slavic lexicalsemantic system as a whole.
Serbo-Croatian neput, nepuč/nepuć, nebud ‘grandson; nephew’ is a Dalmatian Romance loanword derived from Latin NEPŌTEM ‘grandson; nephew’. The form neput is accented as nȅpūt or nȅput, the form nepuč/nepuć as nȅpūč or nȅpuć, the form nebud as nȅbud. The paper discusses whether the accentuation of these forms is regular given the fact that other forms of the same kind (trisyllabic paroxytona with an open penult) have word-fиnal rather than word-initial accent; cf. L CANĀLEM > SCr. kònāl, -ála ‘gutter’ or L DRACŌNEM > SCr. dròkūn, -úna ‘dragon’. Younger loanwords of Dalmatian Romance origin (posterior to Dybo’s Law) have the same accentuation as seen in the continuants of L NEPŌTEM; cf. L CORĪNUM > SCr. Kȁrīn, -a (hamlet near Zadar), L FLANŌNAM > Čak. Plȍmin, -a (town in Istria), L LACTŪCAM ‘lettuce’ > Čak. lȍtika, -e, L QUIRĪNUM > Čak. (Sveti) Kȁrin (graveyard in Pag). The accentuation of these forms is explained as arising from the operation of the so-called Ivšić’s First Law (*Karȋn > Kȁrīn, *Plomȋn > *Plȍmīn, *lotȋka > *lȍtīka, *Karȋn > *Kȁrīn) and, in some, predominantly Čakavian forms, from the subsequent operation of the posttonic shortening (*Plȍmīn > Plȍmin, *lȍtīka > lȍtika, *Kȁrīn > Kȁrin). The accentuation of the Serbo-Croatian continuants of L NEPŌTEM can be explained in much the same way: *nepȗt/*nepȗč/*nebȗd > nȅpūt/nȅpūč/*nȅbūd (Ivšić’s Law) > nȅput/nȅpuć/nȅbud (posttonic shortening).
In the recently published Volume 22 of the SASA Dictionary, as many as 76 pages are devoted to lexemes containing the formative полу-, numbering more than 1,100 entries. Although the dictionary provides an extensive treatment of the meanings of this prefixoid, according to I. Klajn, the formative полу- generally has two meanings: a primary one, half (of something), and a secondary one, partial, incomplete, insufficient, unfinished. The secondary meaning refers to an incomplete degree of the quality expressed by the motivating word. When it denotes an incomplete manifestation of a property, the component полу- may introduce a pejorative meaning into the derivative (e.g., полуинтелектуалац ‘semi-intellectual’), but it can also serve as a formative means for expressing fine nuances of lexical gradation (e.g., лаж – полулаж – полуистина – истина ‘lie – half-lie – half-truth – truth’). This paper analyzes the ability of the prefixoid полу- to denote the degree of a property, particularly in cases where it marks non-lexicalized intermediate values between two antonyms. When a prefix such as без- (‘without’) or не- (‘un-, non-’) is added to the motivating word to produce a lexeme expressing the absolute absence of the property denoted by the base, the occurrence of полу-combined with such lexemes (e.g., полубесмислен, ‘semi-absurd’, полунезависност ‘semi-independence’) is unexpected yet semantically significant. The study demonstrates that the role of the prefixoid полу- lies in the gradation of possession or absence of a quality, or in emphasizing incompleteness. The emphasis on incompleteness is particularly evident when полу- is added to a lexeme already containing a prefix indicating partiality (e.g., полупритворити ‘to half-close’) or to a diminutive, whose suffix already suggests a weaker degree of the expressed feature (e.g., полубелкаст ‘semi-whitish’). The described lexemes with полу- attest to the exceptional potential of this formative element in expressing and levelling degrees of incompleteness of a property.
In this research, we deal with the main features of the relative clause introduced by the conjunction da in Serbian. In order to provide valid answers to questions regarding the status and meaning of this clausal subtype, it is necessary to consider the grammatical status of the conjunction da, the lexical-semantic and grammatical features of the antecedent, and the co-referential relationship between the antecedent and the predicate of the dependent clause. This is all the more important if we consider that, in cases of pronominal or adverbial type of conjunction of the relative clause, this unit is part of the grammatical structure of the clause, which is not the case when it comes to the conjunction da. Also, given the marginal status of the relative clause with da, when determining its distributive properties, it is important to take into consideration the lexicogrammatical structure of the governing clause, with particular reference to the features of its predicate.
Grammatical categories, constructions and forms take part in cognitive activity. They contain and transmit in a generalized and concentrated form the experience accumulated by previous generations. Research in this direction, started by American linguists (Ch. Fillmore, R. W. Langacker, R. Jackendoff, G. Lakoff, etc.), is continued by scholars from Slavic countries (J. S. Stepanov, E. S. Kubryakova, A. Wierzbicka, M. Ivić, P. Piper, etc.). The article examines the role of syntactic patterns, as well as subordinating and coordinating relations, in the transmission of information. The structure of predicate-actant model and peculiarities of its realization are analyzed. Examples are given, in the form of quotations from Russian fiction, which demonstrate the participation of grammatical forms in the process of communication. The constituent part of the model, the semantic function, or actant, does not always appear in isosemic form; it can also be expressed in an atypical, occasional form (e.g., рисовать красками абстрактно, where the last word plays the role of the object). This is due to the metaphorical or metonymic rearrangement (reorganization) of the syntactic structure in consciousness. The cases of neutralization of the functions such as “place” and “direction”, as well as “purpose” and “cause” are specially considered. The human cognitive experience also manifests itself in the rules of coordinative relation. Ideally, this connection unites words belonging to the same thematic sphere and the same level of generalization. Yet within the framework of an utterance, it is also capable of “equalizing” in syntactic status those words that, within the language system, were quite distant from one another (e.g., вилки (‘forks’) and стихи (‘poems’)). A comparison of the material from Slavic languages reveals a nuclear part – the general syntactic stock, and a periphery – syntactic models specific to each language. This allows us to speak about the dynamics of the syntactic system, about the participation of grammatical categories in the diachronic development of the linguistic worldview.
This paper analyzes the use of the genitive case of nouns, which is a syntactic formalizer of possessive meaning, functioning as a non-congruent attribute or adnominal possessive determiner, based on a dialectal corpus collected from the area of the Romanija Plateau. It examines separately the syntactic-semantic features of each structural form of the nominal possessive genitive – as an independent case, as a case blocked by the preposition (ОD or U) and as a case blocked by an obligatory determiner. Within each structural genitive form, semantic types of possession are identified based on the lexical meaning of the entities functioning as the subject and object of possession, with three types realized: proprietative (true), reciprocative and partitive possession. The genitive blocked by an obligatory determiner stands out in the speech of the Romanija Plateau as the primary syntactic formalizer of proprietative and reciprocative possession. The independent genitive acts as a formalizer of the same types of possession only when it is lexicalized through surnames ending in -ić, and in the reciprocative cases involving enumeration. The genitive blocked by the preposition ОD, followed by an obligatory determiner, occurs as a form competitive to the primary syntactic formalizer of reciprocative, and, potentially, proprietative possession. The segment of partitive possessivity is shared by genitive constructions with the prepositions ОD and U, where the former has the additional component of separation, and the latter emphasizes the inseparable connection between a part and the whole, while the independent genitive, in phrases such as noga stola (‘the leg of a table’), is absent. Unlike the construction U + personal pronoun genitive, the construction U + noun genitive plays a minor role among possessive formalizers. A survey of the dialectal area confirms that the speech of the Romanija Plateau belongs to the western branch of the Štokavian dialects, as well as to the transitional dialects of the Herzegovinian–Krajina dialect.
This study traces the origins, development and current status of the Circle of Friends of the Czech Language, established in 1938. Its main founder was the Bohemicist Jiří Haller (1896-1971), though the versatile philologist Vladimír Šmilauer (1895-1983) soon emerged as its central figure. The Circle played an important role in sustaining the morale among the Czech-speaking population during World War II. At the time of its greatest expansion, shortly after 1945, it had over ten thousand registered members. During the communist totalitarian regime, despite the adversity of the time and the ruling powers, the Circle continued to bring together the enthusiasts of the Czech language. From the mid-1950s onward, its major activity became the organization of public lectures, held consistently at the Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague. After 1989, the Circle was led from 1992 to 2003 by another distinguished linguist, Alexander Stich (1934-2003). Today, it operates within the Institute of the Czech Language and Theory of Communication at the Faculty of Arts, Charles University. To date, the Circle has hosted over 1,900 public lectures.
This paper deals with how certain phenomena in the Serbian language become more frequent at particular stages of its development, and thus attract the attention of linguistic scholarship. As regards the phenomena in the contemporary Serbian language, they are also viewed in terms of whether they can be accepted as part of the standard language. In this paper the said approach is applied on a concrete example of a phenomenon initially observed as, loosely speaking, breaking down of a verbal lexeme into verbal and nominal components, originally named as predicate decomposition. At the outset, this construction was criticized, having been interpreted as the result of foreign influence, and was not recognized as part of the literary/standard language. In order to form a scientifically grounded view on the process of decomposition, it was necessary to conduct a more thorough study, thereby determining its origin, character, as well as function within the language. The phenomenon has been studied in detail (with a focus on verbal lexicon) since the late 1970s, following the publication of a work by Milorad Radovanović, which marked a significant shift in our understanding of (verbal) decomposition. The claim that this phenomenon was imported into Serbian from other languages has been firmly refuted. It has been established that word decomposition is part of the internal developmental processes of contemporary Serbian, as part of the processes of nominalization, which is a feature that can be found in other contemporary European languages. Moreover, research has confirmed that verb decomposition enhances the expressive potential of contemporary Serbian language in alignment with the development of society and culture it serves, that is, that sentences with decomposed and non-decomposed words are by no means absolutely synonymous. The areas of its distribution have been identified according to various parameters. On the synchronic plane, these boundaries lie among certain functional styles: decomposition is typical of specialized functional styles, but appears, to a much lesser extent, in others as well - including the literary style. Today, more than a century since the syntactic phenomenon of word composition was first noted in scholarly literature, it is no loger debatable whether the syntactic constructions arising from this process are a result of the development of the Serbian language or whether they belong in the standard language. After examining the scope and nature of the use of these syntactic constructions, particularly in specific, specialized functional styles, it becomes evident how impoverished the language would be if they were to be removed from the standard, assuming such a move were even possible, given its widespread use. On the other hand, even though we now know that decomposition does not include only verbs, and among verbs not only those in predicative function, but is also characteristic of other word classes, such as nouns, adjectives and adverbs, linguistic scholarship still predominantly focuses on the decomposition of the verbal predicate, while other aspects of this process have been less researched. Decomposition is not represented exhaustively in grammars, as compared to what is known about it in syntactic science. They should contain presentations of the decomposition of all such lexemes in predicative function, followed by all other syntactic positions - to provide their syntactic models. The task at hand is to systematically analyze the decomposition of all word classes, so that it may be appropriately treated in grammatical descriptions. The phenomenon of word composition can also serve to provide an answer to the perennial question: Which language processes can be incorporated into the standard language? The answer is quite simple: the language phenomena that are initiated within Serbian standard language as part of its developmental processes and operate in alignment with internal linguistic laws rightfully belong to the standard language.
This paper focuses on the classification of paronyms into primary and secondary (induced) types, resulting from a broader study of paronymic relationships among concrete nouns. For the purposes of this article, the analysis is extended to include additional examples involving other word classes, primarily abstract nouns and adjectives. For this classification, it is of particular importance whether lexemes enter into a paronymic relationship directly through word formation processes or whether such relationships are formed later through the process of desynonymization. However, in order to provide a clear foundation for this classification, the first part of the article offers a comprehensive review of prior research on paronymy in both Slavic and non- Slavic languages, as well as a review of the issues involved in defining and classifying paronyms.
This paper deals with the semantics of the complex prepositional phrase u vezi (s(a)) (‘in connection with, regarding’), as well as with the functionality of its usage. The analysis is based on a dataset of 224 examples extracted from the srWac corpus. The findings indicate that the expression u vezi (s(a)) can denote various types of primarily abstract relationships, such as causality, similarity, and content. However, the main semantic component of this prepositional phrase is the notion of an indirect or intermediary connection. Moreover, a significant number of examples demonstrate that there is a simpler and semantically more adequate alternative for this expression; in other words, over 25% of the data amounts to examples of dysfunctional usage, i.e., examples in which u vezi (s(a)) could be replaced with a simpler and semantically more adequate alternative. This pattern of usage suggests that, due to its abstract and vague semantics, the expression u vezi (s(a)) has become a prominent feature of official and bureaucratic discourse and a means for conveying authority or competence of the author in other types of discourse.
This paper examines the functions of constructions with the particle ќе (/auxiliary verb сака (velle)) used to express the conditional and potential in the Macedonian dialects of the entire northern zone of the Macedonian dialect area, as well as their corresponding forms in the Serbian border dialects of the Prizren-Timok area. It concerns the functions of the paradigms with the particle ќе in the dialects of these two neighbouring languages. Special attention is given to the degree in which the grammatical constructions with this particle have been restructured under the influence of Balkan non-Slavic languages, and to the differences between the Macedonian and Serbian neighbouring dialects.
This paper examines the expressiveness of the Serbian verbal prefix po-. The main aims of the research are to identify the meanings in which this affix functions as a designator of expressiveness, and to endeavour to explain how its expressive function has developed. The research corpus was primarily compiled from the six-volume Dictionary of the Serbo-Croatian Literary Language published by Matica Srpska. The expressiveness of the preposition po- in the Serbian language is analyzed in the light of J. D. Apresjan’s theory of integral language description and V. N. Telija’s theory of connotation. The development of the expressive function is approached from the perspective of cognitive semantics. The analysis reveals that it is only in its delimitative meaning that the Serbian verbal prefix po- conveys the information about the speaker’s attitude towards the subject, thus carrying expressive value. It is further concluded that the expressiveness of this affix, tied to the concept of delimitativity, arose from the prefix’s spatial and distributive meanings. The expressiveness of the prefix po- is based on comparison and implies the existence of a norm or standard as an implicit reference point. In all analyzed examples including delimitative verbs with the prefix po-, the speaker’s evaluation suggests a deviation from the norm, usually in the sense of ‘less than the norm’, and contains information about prototypical situations. Given that many of the analyzed verbs are archaic, especially those with multiple prefixes, future research on the expressiveness of the Serbian verbal prefix po- could benefit from analyzing data extracted from modern electronic corpora of the Serbian language, which would certainly yield a more accurate understanding of the prefix’s current use. Nevertheless, this study draws the conclusion that, even though the prefix po- belongs to expressive affixes, expressiveness is not its primary semantic function.
The paper is focused on common and different aspects of two leading semasiological theories of today - the theory of the Russian semasiologist M. V. Nikitin and that of the American cognitive linguist R. W. Langacker. Both authors view meaning as a complex psychic phenomenon whose formation is affected by numerous factors - social, cultural, psychological, situational, etc. The paper focuses on significant, but not identical aspects of these theories, which represent their major distinctive features - sources of meaning and basic structures of consciousness according to M. V. Nikitin, as well as the actualization of components of the construed meaning under the impact of specificity/schematics, focusing, prominence and perspective as factors which affect the construal according to R. W. Langacker. It becomes evident that they do not so much contradict as complement each other, revealing such essential facets of meaning as its formation and functioning.
In the Serbo-Croatian dialects the Common Slavic word for ‘iron’ *želězo occupies a peripheral position, whereas in the central Štokavian area it was supplanted by gvozdje > gvožđe. In Old Serbian literature želězo occurs mainly in the Slavonic texts translated from Greek, where it renders such notions as ‘point of a spear’, or in the plural form želěza ‘fetters’. Its only mention in a text written in Old Serbian spoken language is found in Dušan’s Code; the article in question deals with the ordeal of red-hot iron and has a close phraseological match in the Russian Justice manuscript, which suggests that its wording goes back to an oral formula of Slavic customary law. Otherwise, since at least the 14th century, želězo has been an archaism surviving in the toponymy across the major part of Serbian lands. Some toponymic instances, however, are assumed to have been imported from other Slavic lands, such as Železnik, a medieval mine near Belgrade, attested since 1358; it may be interpreted as having arisen through univerbation from a descriptive denomination *želězьnъjь potokъ ‘iron stream’, but also from a possessive noun phrase *potokъ želěznikь ‘ironsmiths’ stream’, i.e., the one by which their hammer mills were situated, where the second element is the old genitive plural of *želěznikъ ‘ironsmith’, which is homophonous with its nominative singular form. The word železník in this sense, apparently calqued on Middle High German îsensmit, is attested in Old Czech, wherefrom it appears to have spread to Slovenia (place name Železniki) and perhaps also to the medieval Serbia, where the development of mining can be traced back to the mid-thirteenth century owing to the German settlers (OSerb Sasi, ‘Saxons’); presumably a part of them originated from the Czech lands; at least their first settlement on the Serbian soil, Brskovo, seems to have been named after Brzkov in the mining district around Jihlava (Iglau), on the historical border between Bohemia and Moravia. The newcomers spoke Middle High German, but probably not without some Slavic admixtures based on the bilingualism that had taken hold in their native country. In the medieval Serbia, ironsmiths used to be designated simply as ‘smiths’, kovačje, and the designation of both dug and wrought iron was gvozdje, with the adjective gvozděn. Etymologically, OSerb gvozdje n. ‘iron’ is the Common Slavic word *gvozdь, *gvozdьjь ‘nail, peg’, whose plural *gvozdьje was reshaped into a secondary collective in *-ьje, with a semantic switch usually explained by the development ‘wooden nails’ > ‘iron nails’ > ‘iron’. However, the mention of gvozdje in the Mining Code issued in 1412 by Serbian Despot Stefan Lazarević points in another direction. The word refers there to what is in German Bergeisen ‘miner’s picks’ or, more precisely, ‘wedges’, i.e., their wedge-shaped iron heads. In the same meaning the shortened form Eisen, MHG îsen is used, which basically means ‘iron’. In all likelihood, this double meaning of îsen in the technical terminology of German miners triggered the semantic change of OSerb gvozdje from ‘nails, wedges’ to ‘iron’.
This article is an overview. Its aim is to provide readers with an overview of the most important research on child language development in Slovak, Czech and wider global context. The focus is on research on children’s word formation, within which we are also going to present our own research findings. Children’s linguistic knowledge and abilities are the subject of research in a branch of applied linguistics - developmental linguistics. Within developmental linguistics, subfields focusing on research on child language, such as developmental word formation, are established. Research on child language development also provides useful information for theoretical linguistics, as it points to tendencies in language ontogenesis that can be correlated with dynamic processes in language itself. Knowledge of children’s language is also relevant to educational linguistics, which taps into linguistic research findings to advance language teaching.
The article presents and analyzes the suffix combinatorics exhibited by denominal multistage derivatives whose initial suffix is -iti. An examination of whether the semantic restriction of the corpus material (sensory perception) yields different word formation chains than the non-restricted one (material resulting from the KOBOS project, including BSSJ, SSKJ 2 and the Gigafida 2.0 corpus) revealed that the combinatorial picture is quite different. The KOBOS material shows that the combinatorics of the initial suffix -iti is among the most diversified, encompassing 36 different suffix chains. In the material derived from nouns denoting senses, the suffix -iti as a base formant appears in the following four word-formation chains: (1) -iti + -ati + -anje, (2) -iti + -ati + -alo + -ni, (3) -iti + -ati + -oč, (4) -iti + -ati + -n. The KOBOS material indicates that most sequences are bipartite: -iti + -ec, -iti + -ež, -iti + -ilec, -iti + -un, -iti + -ilka, -iti + -nica, -iti + -enje, -iti + -ø, -iti + -ka, -iti + -ina, -iti + -je, -iti + -išče, -iti + -eč. These are followed by tripartite chains: -iti + -itev + -en, -iti + -av + -elj, -iti + -el + -ost, -iti + -en + -ec, -iti + -en + -ik, -iti + -en + -ost, -iti + -ilen + -ik, -iti + -ljiv + -ost; and two quadripartite chains: -iti + -el + ina + -ica and -iti + -el + ina + -ast.
In 1899 and 1900, Pero Budmani, the then editor of the Dictionary of the Yugoslav Academy (Rečnik JAZU), wrote four letters to Hugo Schuchardt, a renowned German scholar specializing in Romance languages and Basque. Their correspondence has recently been digitized within the Schuchardt Archives at the University of Graz. These letters discuss the meaning and origins of the Serbo-Croatian piscatorial term trbok and even offer a valuable insight into Budmani’s interest in Dalmatian-Romance loanwords. Budmani was the first scholar to study this subject; in his paper Dialect of Dubrovnik, as it is Spoken Today (Dubrovački dijalekat, kako se sada govori) (1883), he identified the first loanwords of Dalmatian-Romance origin in Serbo-Croatian (60 of them, to be precise). From one of the letters to Schuchardt, it can be inferred that he later intended to publish another study on the subject – a project which never came to fruition. For this purpose, he gathered about sixty Dalmatian-Romance loanwords in total, including those he already published in the Dialect of Dubrovnik. The paper concludes that the newly collected Dalmatian-Romance loanwords (not more than 10 in number) must have been the ones that Budmani identified while editing the letter K for the Dictionary of the Yugoslav Academy, i.e., SCr. kentènār ‘silk thread, string’, kȅra ‘tuft’, kìjerna ‘Cerna gigas’ and kìmenat ‘crack between two boards on a ship’, to which may be added SCr. gȅra ‘Smaris alcedo’, specifically designated as a Dalmatian-Romance loanword in one of Budmani’s letters to Schuchardt.
