The Polyanka settlement is one of few almost completely excavated rural sites in the territory of the Bosporan Kingdom. It is situated in the center of the Crimean Azov coast and dates to the second half of the 1st century BC, which makes it a sort of standard with respect to the chronology of some categories of finds and in terms of historical reconstructions. Relatively good preservation of building remains allows us to define at least three building periods, with specific nature and planning of the built-up environment, both general and private (households). Based on the totality of finds, we draw certain conclusions about the number, economic activity and ethnic identity of inhabitants of this village, as well as assumptions about its history and the place of this site within the framework of the Bosporan chora during the post-Mithridatic age.
Current scholarship suggests four potential locations for the Stone Tower. The first two, Tashkent and Tashkurgan, are identified as the Stone Tower due to their direct translations corresponding to the name. However, two more plausible locations in the Osh region of Kyrgyzstan, including the Sulaiman-Too Mountain and Daraut-Kurgan, warrant a more careful approach. Considering the inaccuracy of Ptolemaic coordinates in the Far East, official Chinese chronicles are introduced in this paper to facilitate the determination of the Stone Tower's actual location. Consequently, this paper first delves into the dating work of Marinos of Tyre, by researching the biographies of Flaccus and Maternus mentioned by Marinos. The third chapter reevaluates various possible lifespans of Maes Titianos, by taking the HanXiongnu relationships into consideration. The fourth chapter combines both Ptolemy's coordinates and ancient Chinese documents, eventually concluding that the actual position of the Stone Tower is Daraut-Kurgan.
This study presents the results of a UAV-based LiDAR survey at Parion, a Roman colonial city in the Troad, integrated with earlier excavation, photogrammetry, and geophysical datasets. With a density of 796 points/m2, the LiDAR survey revealed micro-topographic anomalies invisible to traditional survey techniques. The ability of LiDAR to penetrate vegetation added another critical advantage, exposing features that would otherwise remain hidden beneath surface cover. Relief visualisation techniques, including the local relief model (LRM), local dominance (LD) and sky-view factor (SVF), revealed traces of possible buildings, terracing systems, and wall alignments in various parts of the city. By combining multi-scalar digital approaches, this research highlights the potential of LiDAR for reconstructing spatial organisation and urban development in complex landscapes.
This paper presents and discusses Achaemenid Persian (ca. 550-330 B C) warrior attire and armament. It seeks to present, among others, certain relatively little-known evidence that bears on the subject. Attention here is placed primarily on the evidence from Near Eastern cuneiform texts and recent archaeological finds from the Iranian domain. This new material allows to better assess the relationship between the ancient Greek visual record of the Persians and (ancient?) Iranian realities. To date, there has been considerable discussion of Greek representations of Persians and Persian warriors, using four main groups of sources: Greek and cuneiform written sources, actual elements of armament, armour and textiles found in excavations, and iconographic evidence. For each group specific examples are given below in the relevant sections of this article. The present paper considers Greek representations of Persian warriors from the viewpoint especially of ancient Iranian and more generally Near Eastern textual and archaeological evidence. The evidence on hand indicates a common understanding between Greek written and visual sources, aligning with Achaemenid material. The diverse array of Persian garment decorations depicted in Greek pictorial art, when compared to the known Iranian materials, suggests a possible awareness among Greek painters of ethnic and social diversity. Additionally, modern ethnographic observations validate some similarities of the ancient Persian attire.
The purpose of the article is to test from a historical point of view Tacheva's hypothesis about the alleged marriage between the Odrysian king Teres I and a Persian princess. It aims, more precisely, to determine on the basis of written sources whether there is information on foreign brides at the Odrysian court and, more importantly, whether the sending of Persian women of noble birth abroad (diplomatic marriage) was a common practice for the Achaemenids. Based on eight cases it concludes that such policy was not usual for them and that Tacheva's hypothesis has no solid foundations and cannot be sustained.
This paper proposes a new analysis of some burial contexts excavated at the end of the 19th century CE by Jacques De Morgan in the area of the town of Alaverdi in Armenia. In the graveyard known as Mouçi Yéri or Musieri, over 500 burials attributed to the Iron Age by the excavator were investigated. Unfortunately, very few have been published, and the objects found are often difficult to associate with the few described tombs. Among the few burials which can be reconstructed there are some that are particularly interesting because they contain some long swords directly attributable to the Urartians. The identification of these swords may be seen against the notable variety of different Urartian sword types discovered in archaeological sites in the Southern Caucasus beyond the currently known northern borders of the Urartian state, in particular, in the territory corresponding to Southern Georgia.
Long and intensive ancient contacts between Iranians and Finno-Ugrians in Eastern Europe resulted, amongst other things, in the formation of many Finn-Ugric ethnic names. The main ones are reconsidered in the article with special attention to the Iranian source and time of borrowing. These are: the Russian name of Erzyans and Mokshans, Mordva , which has finally its origin in the name of Iranian group * må̄rdi ‘murderer, robber’, was probably brought from Central Asia by the creators of Andreevo-Piseral kurgan cemeteries of the first centuries AD from the right bank of the Middle Volga; the self-name of one of the Mordvinian nations. The Erzyans, eŕźa , which should be considered as a comparatively late Alanic loanword from * arza (Ossetian ærzæ ‘a great amount, a good number (of warriors)’ < Iranian * házahra ‘thousand’); the self-names of Cheremis, mari , Merya, * märə and Muroma, * mürə - < Iranian *marya - ‘young man, warrior, member of youth war community’; the self-name of the Votyaks (Udmurts), ud-murt < Iranian anta-marta ‘man of edge, border; outlander’. All these names had very probably been borrowed into the Finno-Ugric languages during Sarmato-Alanic times (end of the 1st mil. BC –second half of the 1st mil. AD ). Important is the fact, that the ethnic names from the right bank of the Volga ( mordva, eŕźa, mari ~ merya ~ muro-ma ) mark the local Finno-Ugrians as military significant or warlike groups reflecting possibly their unfriendly relations with the Iranians, whereas the names of the inhabitants of the left bank of the Volga, the Permians, (komi) mort and Udmurt , have neutral connotation demonstrating probably more peaceful and close relations. This coincides with greater amount of late Iranian loan words in Permian languages and probable traces of Iranian influence on the phonetics and morphology of the Permian languages and may be illustrated by archaeological materials.
This paper focuses on two ivory artefacts, a plaque and a figurine, found in Mele Hairam, Turkmenistan. Dated roughly between the first and second century AD , the source of the two ivories is the Indian subcontinent where similar ivories have been found. Using a comparative perspective, this paper demonstrates that the scene on the ivory plaque can be closely associated with Indian stone reliefs dating to the early centuries AD and belonging to the network of long-distance trade routes. This analysis not only affirms the close relationship between the Mele Hairam ivories and the Indian artistic koine, but also proposes a preliminary identification of the scene on the ivory plaque.
This article is dedicated to describing the Buddhist monuments of Termez (earlier Tarmidh). On the basis of new archaeological discoveries and the study of the Buddhist monasteries of Termez, coupled with artifact analysis, the time of construction of the early monasteries of Termez has been clarified. According to the authors, Termez (not Kushan fortress Kampÿrtepa) is believed to be the earliest urban center where Buddhism penetrated the Oxus region and established itself. Contrary to the existing opinions, the Sasanian troops destroyed the Buddhist cult centers of Termez during their campaigns in Kushan Bactria. This fact was revealed by the authors during the study of Fayaztepa and specifically in the inner-city temple on Chingiz 2 hill. In particular, the Buddhist temple on Chingiz 2 was destroyed, and its magnificent stone sculpture and architectural decoration were crushed and placed on the floor of the corridor associated with the building. This was the first stage in the destruction of Buddhist religious buildings by the Sasanians, which took place during the period of Shapur I ’s reign (240–272). The second destruction of the Buddhist buildings of Termez occurred during the reign of Shapur II (307–380). Indirect confirmation of this are the traces of a fire in complex B of the “Western Hill” of Karatepa, crushed sculpture, and Middle Persian graffiti inscriptions on the walls.
This paper focuses on the publication of gold pendants in the form of lion heads of the 5th century BC from the necropoleis of the Taman Peninsula. These pieces of jewellery belong to the most common type of gold pendants in the shape of animal heads, which are also represented by items in the form of bull and ram heads. The published pendants of all three groups are presented as a short catalogue in Appendices 1–3. They were widespread from Southern Italy and Sicily in the West, to Rhodes, Euboea, Macedonia, Thasos and Thrace, to Olbia and the Bosporan kingdom, as well as the Kuban region, in the East. The attention that is attracted by the finds from the Taman Peninsula is explained by the fact that they all come from excavations of necropoleis, from the burial complexes which can be reliably dated by the black-glazed pottery. Probably the earliest find is from the necropolis of Eretria, if the dating of the complex to the first quarter of the 5th century BC is correct. It is obvious that pendants in the form of bull and ram heads also appeared at the same time, judging by their use as elements of necklaces from the burials of the same cemetery. In the North Pontic region, the earliest sample in the form of a lion head is a find from grave No. 10/1913 of the necropolis of Olbia, which may date back to the second, or rather the third quarter of the 5th century BC . The pendants from the contexts of the Taman Peninsula, presented in the paper, can be dated to the last quarter of the same century and even to the turn of the 5th–4th centuries BC . In the late 5th century BC , such jewellery appeared in Tarentum, where they became widespread in the following century. On the whole, it is obvious that all pendants are to some extent individual and stylistic features do not allow us to speak of one or another center of their manufacture. Rather this can be evidenced by their findplaces, which show a fairly distinct concentration of pendants in Southern Italy, primarily in Tarentum, and in the North Pontic region, in Olbia, and especially in the Bosporan Kingdom.
DB p col. V § 74 is devoted to Darius’ conquest and subjugation of a group of Sakā and their leader. Despite the obvious importance the Great King attributed to this event, its political and intellectual context(s) have remained rather underexplored in modern scholarship. The approach taken in this paper is therefore twofold. First, building on previous insights, it situates Darius’ account within its Ancient Near Eastern tradition, focusing particularly on the importance of previous imperial engagement with mobile people and the concept of borderlands. In a second step, social anthropology is brought to the fore in order to show the potential of reading Darius’ account through the prism of scholarship on sacred kingship from a comparative and world-historical perspective. This methodological framework makes it possible to approach the topic of Persian Empire-building in Central Asia and in the steppes from a new, anthropologically sensitive perspective. Furthermore, attention is paid to the role that indigenous political systems and even cosmologies likely played in order to negotiate Central Asian élites’ role in the new world brought about by the Persian conquest of the (Far) East.
The contact between Greek artistic tradition and that of the local populations in the Northern Black Sea area has traditionally been addressed in oppositional and hierarchical terms, often employing categories determined by ethnic criteria. This trend is not only limited to this specific area, but is a phenomenon that concerns the so-called "frontiers" of the Greek world, such as Magna Graecia and Sicily. By adopting a non-hierarchical perspective, the well-known kouros from the gymnasium of Olbia is here reconsidered as case-study. This object has always puzzled scholars, often leading to rather bizarre interpretations. By contextualizing it in the local panorama and comparing it, in particular, with the kurgan stelae, the hybrid status of this artefact is highlighted, both from a formal, technical, and iconographic point of view. Since this conclusion suits better the archaeological evidence of Archaic Olbia, this analysis ultimately prompts a reconsideration of the materials from the Northern Black Sea poleis according to more flexible paradigms, enabling the dialectical exchange between various languages developing within the same "artistic space".
Teiseba was the weather god of the Urartian State. Following the supreme god Haldi, he was the second highest-ranked god in the Urartian pantheon. In all probability, the statuette of the beardless deity found during the Karmir Blur excavations could be identified with the Urartian weather god. It is generally accepted that with his left hand he clasps an axe against his chest, while his right hand swings a mace in front of his knees. Instead of this explanation we propose that this deity holds not a mace but a spindle. In this context it is noteworthy that according to A. Petrosyan, the name of the Urartian god Teiseba is deriving from Proto-Indo-European *teks- which means "axe", but also "to weave". *Teks also characterizes the cosmogonic action of the creator god, who in the context of the thunder-god myth, is to be identified with the thunder god.
During a survey on the territory of the Eklizi-Burun cult complex, a repeatedly densely folded fragment of a silver sheet was discovered. When unfolded during the restoration process, it turned out to be part of an art object depicting the mask of Medusa Gorgon. The size and shape of the item suggest its purpose as part of Roman military equipment (presumably part of the umbo or a knee guard). The stylistic features of the image give grounds to attribute it to the late Roman period.
Abstract The 2018–2019 excavation of the basilica church at Machkhomeri yielded a rich assemblage of glass vessels, most of which are believed to belong to 6th century AD lamps. These were dumped into an annexed funerary chapel when the church was restructured to become a single-hall building. Glass lamps are well-known occurrences in late antique contexts across the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. However, the finds from the southwest Caucasus have often been neglected. The scope of this contribution is to present the glass finds from Machkhomeri. A collection of wick-holders for glass lamps retrieved in close stratigraphic proximity to the glass assemblage will also be described.
Located in the great satrapy of Media, during the Achaemenid period central Zagros was a crucial region throughout this era in western Iran, but archaeologically it has not so far been analyzed because of lacking material evidence. However, a putative reconstruction may be presented on the basis of current documentation. On this ground and as historical geography interpretations suggest, the central, southern and eastern parts of this region were more important, while the western and northern parts are still waiting for further explorations. Ecbatana, Nush-i Jan and Godin formed most significant centers in the eastern part, but the present paper argues that it was Bisotun in the central part that echoed Achaemenid power on various administrative, economic, military and ceremonial levels.
The mountain area bordering Mesopotamia witnessed remarkable transformations to the human and cultural landscape starting from the end of the 2nd millennium. Stone hilltop structures began to spread and became the most distinct settlement form. Moreover, there was a dramatic increase in metalworking and weapons production, showing how the local social structure shifted towards militarization of society. These heavily fortified settlements have usually been labeled as "cyclopean fortresses" due to their similarity to European defensive structures. However, being built with large stones on strategic hilltops, they played different political and economic roles, and some were likely the seat of important local political entities. Fortresses from the southern Caucasus have attracted the attention of several distinguished scholars and studies, especially structures in present-day Armenia and northern Iran. This paper aims to present the evidence currently available regarding cyclopean structures in Western Azerbaijan, combining both remote sensing and soviet-era publications. A remarkable culture flourished during the Late Bronze-Early Iron Age in this area, generally known as "Hochdali-Kedabeg".
The article presents assemblage of Seleucid and Greco-Bactrian coins found by the Czech-Uzbek archaeological expedition in the frame of a sampling metal detector survey in the upper reaches of Sherabad Darya, from the sites of the Darband Wall, Daganajam, Kurganzol and Iskandar Tepa in 2018. Sixteen specimens, of both silver and copper alloys, which were determined including a very rare Seleukos I (?) coin are assessed not only from the numismatic and historical point of view, but also analysed in terms of elemental composition.
In the last 15 years, s, the excavations at the island of St. Kirik offshore from Sozopol (ancient Apollonia Pontica) on the Bulgarian Black Sea coast have yielded thousands of fragments of Archaic Greek pottery, including a sizeable collection of drinking cups from the last decades of the 7th and the early 6th centuries BC- North Ionian hemi-- spherical cups ("bird bowls", "meander bowls", etc .) and early types of South Ionian cups with everted rims ("Ionian cups"). The comparison with the assemblages from Istros, Berezan, Orgame, and Taganrog, all of them presumably earlier than Apollonia- with a traditional foundation date c .610 BC, reveals practically an identical repertoire. A couple of "anomalous" fragments that are even earlier, from the middle or third quarter of the 7th century BC, have parallels only at Berezan. The paper argues that there are grounds to suggest an earlier chronology of Apollonia's foundation, closer to that of the other early Ionian apoikiai. .
