Shifting the focus from Jesus as healer to the blind individuals he healed, this essay reconsiders the representation of blindness in the Synoptic Gospels through the comparative lens of Greek documentary papyri. Inthese texts, the term upXos ("blind") appears only rarely-and never as a self-designation-while alternative expressions such as O 15vaios iois op0aX & micro;ois ("unable in the eyes") or those from the word family of a60sv w pound ("to be weak/sick") point to more neutral ways of describing visual impairment. Such linguistic choices open questions about how blindness was perceived, whether made visible as a marker of identity or deliberately masked to avoid stigma. By placing Gospel accounts alongside papyrological evidence, the study draws attention to issues of anonym-ity, mendicancy, and gender, offering a fresh perspective on the cultural and lived dimensions of blindness in the ancient world.
In ancient medical ethics, dialogue between patient and physician was regarded as essential for the success of therapy. This essay examines psychological and practical factors that could undermine such dialogue. Feelings of shame and fear often prevented patients from speaking openly about their condition, while reluctance or noncompliance could jeopardize treatment. Physicians, in turn, had to face omissions, concealments, or even deliberate resistance, which complicated both diagnosis and care. By addressing these challenges, the essay highlights the fragility of the patient-physician relationship and the importance of trust in ancient medical practice.
The mother of the sons of Zebedee is a character who only appears in the Gospel of Matthew, on the occasion of the request formulated for the benefit of her sons (20,20-23) and among the women at the foot of the cross (27,56). By integrating this woman into his narration, Matthew reversed the negative connotation of the request. Rather than considering her as a stooge of her sons, Matthew's logic leads to understanding her as a woman disciple of Jesus, ready to follow him to the cross. Moreover, she accompanies her sons in their commitment to following Jesus, in the perspective of the gift of their life.
It was no secret that toward the end of his life, Edward Schillebeeckx had intended to write a new book, returning to the topic of sacramental theology, which he had not substantively addressed since his very earliest work. This work was never completed before his death. By careful examination of the archived material from this period of work, we identify the key themes and directions from which he was intending to develop this project. In particular, we identify the connection Schillebeeckx makes between creation theology and the sacraments, and his thoroughly optimistic view on the human condition and its capacity for cooperation with the divine. Nonetheless, we note that the progress he appears to have made towards the book he indicated he was writing on the topic is quite limited. Based on his work, we provide some initial indications of how these themes might provide important avenues for further reflection in the study of Schillebeeckx, and for sacramental theology more generally.
This article examines the total lack of the terminology of "analogy" in philosophico-theological contexts within the works of Augustine of Hippo. This non-use of the terminology of "analogy" in Augustine's theology is contrasted with the later theological tradition's focus on the doctrine of analogy and the scholarly literature's significant focus on Augustine's analogies. This is further confirmed by his similar rejection of the terminology of "proportion" in philosophico-theological contexts. Augustine's rejection of this terminology is, furthermore, shown to be consistent with the first 500 years of the Latin theological tradition. Indeed, this avoidance of the terminology of "analogy" is seen in both Christian and non-Christian authors of this epoch. Seneca, Ambrose of Milan, Marius Victorinus, Jerome of Stridon, Claudianus Mamertus, Bachiarius, and Favonius Eulogius will be specifically discussed in this context. Moreover, Augustine's non-use of the terminology of "analogy" is contrasted with the Greek Fathers of the same time-period. Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nyssa, and Cyril of Alexandria will be particularly considered. However, Chalcidius's Hellenistic commentatorial work will be singled out as a possible mediating force between these Latin and Greek traditions. The purpose of this essay is the elaboration of the history of the terminology of "analogy" in Christian thought, helping to fill an apparent lacuna in the scholarly literature within the history of the doctrine of analogy.
This contribution explores the intersection of astrology and medicine in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, focusing on the so-called Technical Hermetica attributed to Hermes Trismegistus. These texts combine Egyptian and Hellenistic traditions, offering illness predictions, amulet instructions, and astrobotanical remedies. By merging empirical observation with cosmology, Hermetic medical astrology framed human health within a wider cosmic order, where the body, stars, and divine forces were deeply interconnected.
This paper argues the long variant after Matt 20,28 (i.e., 20,28b) as found in Codex Bezae (D; as well as Phi, it, some vg, syc, and syhmg) derives from the Sayings Gospel Q. The structural similarities between Matt 20,28b and Luke 14,8-10 imply a literary relationship. However, the linguistic differences and their relative positions in the narrative sequence exclude the possibility of Matt 20,28b being a harmonistic interpolation derived from Luke. Since Matt 20,28b and Luke 14,8-10 occur in the same position relative to the double tradition material (i.e., Q) but in different places relative to the triple tradition material (i.e., Mark), I argue both derived the saying from Q. Furthermore, Matt 20,28b shares with Q a lexical profile, a theological interest in status reversal, and interest in dining etiquette, which strengthens the case for its dependency on Q. Thus, this paper argues for the existence of Q 14,8-10, and argues that Matt 20,28b and Luke 14,8-10 are literarily dependent upon it. The logical corollary to this is that Matt 20,28b is original to Matthew's gospel.
This study analyzes how rabbis in Late Antiquity engaged with medical knowledge while shaping their own authority. Although not professional doctors, they drew on exchanges with midwives, herbalists, and other practitioners, adopting and reinterpreting healing practices. Rabbinic texts reveal how rabbis fashioned themselves both as guardians of tradition and as figures involved in healing-whether as therapeutic advisors, patients, or experts in medical matters. By presenting themselves in this dual role, they navigated a competitive field of knowledge and asserted cultural authority while also addressing concrete issues of health and care.
This paper explores the topic of sickness and healing, and the relation between patients and human or divine healers, from the perspective of Greek epigraphic documents. After introducing the topic, it examines the role and importance of doctors in ancient societies in light of honorific and funerary documents. It then investigates how the sick and/or cult participants sought to cure diseases or to commemorate divine healings through offerings and dedications.
This essay examines how "Christian" elements are identified in late antique magical objects, such as amulets and manuals, and questions the criteria used in earlier scholarship. Sanzo emphasizes the need to distinguish different levels of engagement with Christian tradition-from the sophisticated use of Gospel incipits to more basic symbols like the cross or the name of Jesus. He also shows how motifs such as Ia & omacr; Saba & omacr;th, originally widespread across the Mediterranean, acquired new meanings in Christian contexts. The study calls for a more refined taxonomy of "Christian" elements in magical materials, attentive to their variety, development, and reinterpretation.
. - Approaching early Christian healing miracles from the perspective of disability studies, this essay examines how the Gospels distinguished between curable ailments and irreversible conditions. It shows how early Christians redefined disability both as a physical and existential challenge, linking healing to faith and equality before God. In this way, early Christian texts promoted compassion and solidarity, contrasting with Greco-Roman approaches that primarily judged impairments by their social utility.
Shifting the focus from bodily ailments to disorders of the soul, this essay shows how John Chrysostom adapts philosophical techniques to confront carnal desire. Drawing on the "method of partition", he reframes carnal passions as illnesses curable through spiritual exercises. Chrysostom thus presents himself as a physician of the soul, blending medical imagery, ethical philosophy, and Christian teaching to promote inner health.
The two papal laws subjected to canonical analysis display considerable differences in the legal treatment of the ecclesiastical discipline concerning the celebration of the Roman Rite prescribed by 1962 liturgical books. Pope Benedict XVI's motu proprio Summorum Pontificum of July 7, 2007 had an enabling nature, whereas Pope Francis's motu proprio Traditionis custodes of July 16, 2021 has a limiting nature. These differences significantly influence the content of these two documents and their interpretation. Through Francis's motu proprio, the conditions for the celebration of the liturgy of the Holy Mass according to the Missale Romanum of John XXIII have been significantly limited. The celebration of the liturgy of the Mass in the usus antiquior has been essentially delegated to the decision of the diocesan bishop. Pope Francis was motivated by concern for the unity of the Latin Church and the need to unify the liturgy and post-conciliar ecclesiology. Changes have also been made to the competences of the dicasteries of the Roman Curia.
As this article displays, neither is the Church merely backward-looking, nor can the United States of America be described as a consistently progressive state. Rather, both have evolved-and can continue to do so. To concretely show that the aforementioned assumptions do not hold, an initial cursory review of the history of the USA up to Vatican II will be undertaken (Section I). After all, progress is a term that must be related to specific circumstances and must take into account certain conditions. Following this, two topics will be discussed
This study aims to argue that various scenes in the Gospel of John contain "implicit shepherd imagery", meaning that they indirectly portray someone as a practitioner of that office. Besides straightforward designations in John 10 and 21, where Jesus and Peter respectively assume that role, John features a number of texts in which a person emerges as a shepherd without being actually defined as such. The article identifies some of these scenes, suggests reasons for interpreting them along these lines, and argues for the inclusion of God, Jesus, and the beloved disciple under the same rubric.
This article explores the foundational role of New Testament "introduction" (Einleitung) as a discipline that shapes all historical and theological interpretation of the earliest Christian texts. The central thesis is that such a work is never neutral but always shaped by hermeneutical, historical, and theological presuppositions. Special attention is paid to the dating and authorship of the New Testament writings. With regard to dating, three main models are outlined: a systematically early or late dating, and a middle one, which is considered to be the most plausible and methodologically sound option. Another point of interest is the historical development of the early Church, including its growing literary output, identity formation, and the process of canonisation. The article underscores that New Testament texts not only reflect but also shape early Christian identity and theology. Finally, New Testament introduction is defined as a critical-constructive discipline that must engage responsibly with modern interpretive trends without abandoning scholarly rigour. It is therefore all the more important for scholars to advocate transparency about one's presuppositions and openness to methodological revision, while affirming the enduring relevance of critical historical models in biblical scholarship.
In this article, I demonstrate how the Martyrdom of the Ten Holy Martyrs of Crete, a late antique text originating on Crete, rewrites and reuses Polycarp's prayer from MPol 14. This martyrdom essentially quotes Polycarp's prayer (MPol 14) and presents it (with slight modifications) as the prayer of the ten Cretan martyrs (Ten 9,4-10,1). By closely analyzing the textual parallels and variations between the two prayers, I demonstrate how the author of Ten reinterprets Polycarp's prayer to fit within a Cretan setting. The text not only quotes and modifies Polycarp's prayer but also incorporates allusions to 4 Maccabees, particularly Eleazar's martyrdom, to emphasize themes of sacrificial atonement. These intertextual elements recast the Ten Martyrs' deaths as an expiatory act for the people of Crete, transforming Polycarp's universal Christian prayer into a localized expression of faith. By doing so, the Martyrdom of the Ten Holy Martyrs of Crete highlights the flexibility of early Christian texts in addressing regional concerns while maintaining connections to foundational Christian traditions. First, I provide an overview of Ten, followed by a comparison of the text of the Cretan martyrs' prayer with Polycarp's prayer. Then, I discuss how Ten rewrites and uses Polycarp's prayer in its new Cretan setting.
Toward the end of his life, Maurice Blondel published a remarkable series of reflections on societal order and instability, on nationalism and international co-operation, on the clash of liberal and totalitarian regimes, on the forces that facilitate and underpin war, and, finally, on the path that might be taken to promote a lasting peace. These reflections appeared across a range of writings that includes articles, correspondence, and a single volume work entitled Lutte pour la civilisation et philosophie de la paix. All this material is a significant contribution toward establishing a "fraternal civilization" for the future of humanity.
It is the intention of this study to brush some of the dust off the legacy of the mostly forgotten early modern Franciscan Spanish theologian Antonio de C & oacute;rdoba (1485-1578). A celebrity during his lifetime, consulted by kings and popes, he was held in high respect by the leading contemporary theological authorities as an outstanding canonist and a moral theologian, whose opinions, for several centuries after his death, were considered highly relevant to a great variety of issues, such as the baptism of American Indians, the question of which works of charity the Church should or should not support, the freedom of human conscience, the invincible ignorance of the Native Americans and other topics. His legacy will be examined via his reception of Jean Gerson (1363-1429), whose ideas were fundamental for the germination of most new developments in Spanish moral theology and legal tradition. Beginning with Antonio de C & oacute;rdoba's biography and the state of research, the article proceeds with three case studies centered on Antonio de C & oacute;rdoba's Latin treatises De ignorantia and De consciencia, and on his vernacular book Tratado de casos de consciencia (Treatise on Cases of Conscience), which is constructed as a series of questions followed by answers, and represents one of the founding texts of what is now known as probabilistic casuistry.
