Abstract On 19 February 2026, the EFTA Court delivered its advisory opinion in Case E-6/25 ( Saga Subsea ), concerning the application of the European Union’s Temporary Agency Work Directive to employees of a temporary-work agency working on board a vessel used in connection with petroleum activities on the Norwegian continental shelf. The opinion affirms the ‘functional’ approach to the interpretation of the geographical scope of application of the EEA Agreement, which starkly differs from the Norwegian government’s position on the matter. This article examines the potential implications of the advisory opinion for Norway’s offshore wind energy sector, with a particular focus on the Utsira Nord floating offshore wind project. First, the article explores how the EFTA Court’s interpretation, if upheld by the Norwegian Supreme Court, could impact offshore wind development by mandating stricter compliance with EEA internal market rules, including non-discrimination and public procurement principles. Subsequently, the article considers the potential for enhanced environmental regulatory requirements, which could necessitate aligning the ongoing Utsira Nord project with EU directives not yet fully incorporated into the EEA framework. Finally, the article provides reflections on the legal, regulatory, and political challenges that may emerge if the Supreme Court departs from the advisory opinion, as well as the broader ramifications for Norway’s offshore wind ambitions.
Abstract This contribution examines the participation of Indigenous representatives from Russia in international forums, particularly within the United Nations, and the domestic consequences associated with such engagement. Drawing on cases from December 2025, including those of Daria Egereva and Valentina Sovkina, the analysis shows how federal security measures and procedural actions are frequently connected to involvement in international advocacy networks rather than to clearly defined illegal conduct. In the current Russian political context, international engagement in which Indigenous representatives publicly raise concerns about state actions affecting Indigenous communities entails significant political and legal risks. The cases highlight how international advocacy by Indigenous representatives comes into conflict with the Russian state, illustrating the risks to the protection of Indigenous rights, human rights, and environmental rights, and showing how state measures can limit the participation of Indigenous communities in decisions affecting their lands and livelihoods.
Abstract The Arctic is undergoing a profound transformation, driven by the intertwined crises of climate change, biodiversity loss, and geopolitical tensions. This article explores the evolving governance landscape of the Arctic Ocean, which has reached a critical juncture due to the breakdown of traditional frameworks rooted in post-Cold War paradigms. The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine and the subsequent geopolitical fallout have exposed the fragility of regional cooperation rooted in the primacy of ‘Arctic States,’ challenging their ability to address the region’s complex and globalized challenges. This crisis, however, is not just a breakdown but a catalyst for change. Using the concept of Post-Normal Science ( PNS ) as a theoretical lens, this article critically examines the role of the A5/A8 states in stabilizing Arctic Ocean Governance, for better and for worse. The erosion of the stabilizing effect and the exclusivity that once defined Arctic Ocean Governance has created a significant agency vacuum, providing fertile ground for new actors to assert influence in Arctic affairs. This shift is reshaping governance dynamics in the region. Non-traditional stakeholders, ranging from global powers like China and the EU to Indigenous communities, NGO s, and private enterprises, are increasingly stepping forward to compete for agency. Mapping the roles and narratives of emerging actors is a step toward understanding how different actors frame problems, define priorities, and seek to influence governance processes.
Abstract The environmental and social challenges, along with the legal and technical realities, of offshore oil and gas development in the Canadian and Russian Arctic are multifaceted. Both nations possess significant hydrocarbon reserves in the Arctic, which are becoming more and more important as more accessible resources are depleted. However, the harsh Arctic conditions pose significant technical challenges for exploration and extraction. Environmental and social concerns are also prominent, as oil and gas activities threaten fragile ecosystems and the livelihoods of Indigenous communities. This article explores the commonalities and differences in the way the two countries approach these untapped resources. Both countries are subject to international responsibilities related to the protection of the marine environment, climate change, and Indigenous rights. But the way they are approaching these responsibilities is very different. Currently Canada has a moratorium on offshore oil and gas activities in the Arctic, while Russia is actively pursuing development. The article describes the domestic systems governing Arctic offshore exploration in the two countries in the current economic and political context. It identifies transboundary issues such as marine pollution, associated greenhouse gas emissions, and impacts on Indigenous rights that require cooperation between the Arctic states, while also noting the associated difficulties. This analysis reflects the state of knowledge and data as of 12 August 2025.
Abstract Coastal states have a duty to cooperate on the management of transboundary (shared) fish stocks in order to prevent overexploitation of such stocks. In this article, we examine the history and current state of fisheries management in two European seas, the Barents Sea and the Black Sea, to find out how and why these fishing regions have ended up with widely contrasting management outcomes. In the Barents Sea, the coastal states of Norway and Russia have jointly managed the fisheries for half a century with good results in terms of stock conservation. By contrast, the riparian states in the Black Sea – Bulgaria, Georgia, Romania, Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine – have struggled to coordinate their management efforts, and the stocks are heavily overfished. We find that several factors help explain these differences. In both cases, the geopolitical context has been important. Geopolitical considerations have induced Norway and Russia/the Soviet Union to seek joint solutions for the Barents Sea fisheries, but in the Black Sea geopolitical rivalry has hampered cooperation. Russia, in particular, has been sceptical of joint management arrangements. In addition, Norway and Russia both have high stakes in the Barents Sea fisheries, and they share a long history of cooperation within multilateral fisheries institutions in the North-East Atlantic. The riparian states in the Black Sea have very unequal stakes in the fisheries, and there are considerable differences in their approaches to fisheries management. This is particularly so between Turkey – the biggest player – and the other riparian states.
Abstract Capping a growing conservative turn in Russian politics, the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has deepened the hostility between Russia and the West, producing in the process what Kasten, Krupnik, and Fondahl call in their impressive three-volume collection of essays A Fractured North . The numerous contributions to these volumes explore the causes and consequences of this development, focusing particular attention on the impacts of the divide on the field of Northern Studies. This article, inspired by a reading of these essays, examines the evolution of Northern Studies over the last forty years and analyzes the development of the international Arctic community as a nongovernmental network of analysts and practitioners committed to promoting cooperation in the Arctic/Circumpolar North. A central question concerns the potential roles this community can play during a period of severe hostility and unpredictable swings at the level of intergovernmental relations.
Abstract This text explores the resilience of Sámi identity in the context of the war in Ukraine and the movement of Sámi individuals across state borders. Through the case of Andrei Danilov, a Sámi activist from Russia who sought asylum in Norway in 2022, it illustrates how geopolitical pressures, migration, and Indigenous political participation intersect. Danilov’s efforts to engage in the Sámi Parliament in Norway elections—despite legal and procedural obstacles—reflect the broader Sámi commitment to sustain cultural and political ties across Sápmi, which spans Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Russia. These experiences underscore the importance of continued discussion on transboundary Indigenous issues in contexts shaped by international law, state policies, and geopolitical conflict.
Abstract This article argues that the UiT School of Business and Economics (UiT BS ) faces structural disadvantages due to its placement within the Faculty of Biosciences, Fisheries, and Economics ( BFE ) at UiT, The Arctic University of Norway. Unlike other Norwegian business schools with faculty-level independence, UiT BS is restricted by governance structures that do not match its academic needs and strategic goals. The author attributes this governance limitation to historical institutional merger decisions and points out disparities in resource allocation, leadership representation, and academic performance. Three reform options are suggested: creating a separate faculty, relocating UiT BS to a social science faculty, or fundamentally changing governance within BFE . The paper concludes that reform is essential not only for the school’s growth but also for the broader strategic capacity of the Arctic region.
Abstract The Arctic region is undergoing environmental, societal and geopolitical transformations that create commercial opportunities and attract increased attention from global powers, including the United States, Russia, and China. These dynamics profoundly affect small Arctic states such as Norway, which holds significant political, economic, and security interests in the High North. This article examines Norway’s complex balancing act between accommodating China’s economic interests in the region and its own national security concerns. Neoclassical realism serves as the analytical framework integrating both system-level and domestic-level variables, such as elite cohesion and state capacity, to assess Norway’s responses to Chinese interests. The significance of this study lies in its identification of the factors that affect Norway’s capacity to safeguard its national security amid growing interest from non-aligned foreign powers like China. Such analysis is important since it can inform policymaking that supports small-state autonomy and strategic interests in an evolving geopolitical landscape.
This article explores the extent to which the Finnmark Act, with the governance and land adjudication mechanisms it puts in place, is compatible with or advances the right of the Sámi people to self-determination as a matter of international law. The right of self-determination is a human rights standard that applies to Indigenous Peoples. Generally, the standard enables Indigenous Peoples to determine the governance mechanisms under which they live and requires that those mechanism allow them, on an ongoing basis, to freely pursue their economic, social, and cultural development. Against the standard of self-determination, this study assesses the process toward the Finnmark Act’s adoption and the formal design of the act’s mechanisms, with close attention to the domestic legal framework in which those mechanisms are made to operate. The study concludes that the Finnmark Act advances Sámi self-determination in accordance with international norms in certain respects but falls short in others. In any event, important lessons can be learned from the Finnmark Act that are relevant globally in regard to Indigenous Peoples’ rights in and governance, or co-governance, over lands and resources.
This article critically examines the ways in which transport and mobility sustainability regulation causes transport poverty and what can be done to reduce this impact in the Finnish Arctic region (Lapland). It explores how regulatory changes under the European Union’s Green Deal policy may either mitigate or exacerbate transport poverty in this sparsely populated area. Drawing on a comprehensive review of relevant EU and Finnish legislation, the article identifies key legal factors that influence accessibility, affordability, and reliability of transport. These factors are examined in the context of Lapland’s unique characteristics, including its low population density and high dependence on private cars. The analysis reveals that most regulatory measures – except for the Social Climate Fund – are likely to worsen transport poverty for vulnerable groups in Lapland. While the Social Climate Fund may offer short-term relief, it is not sufficient on its own to provide a sustainable long-term solution. To promote a fair and inclusive transition to sustainable transport, the article recommends that Member States prioritise the use of Social Climate Fund resources in remote areas to support alternative transport options such as mobility-on-demand and shared mobility services. While financial support or fiscal incentives for purchase of EV are possible, the prices of EV may still turn out to be too high for low-income households and many residents affected by transport poverty are likely to remain unable to afford electric vehicles in the near term. Despite this, only the minimum necessary should be allocated to direct income support, as it risks prolonging reliance on fossil fuels. The findings underscore the need for comprehensive strategies that effectively address the distinct challenges faced by vulnerable populations in remote regions, ensuring an equitable transition to sustainable transport.
There is significant recognition at multiple levels of governance on the need for inclusion of Indigenous knowledge systems in collaborative environmental governance and land use decision-making. Considerable challenges in operationalization remain, however, specifically, the how of inclusion. This paper is a synthesis of and a reflection on a thematic series of papers contributing an understanding of the recognition and inclusion of Indigenous knowledges in environmental governance. All the research, in different ways, tackled the incorporation of Indigenous knowledges, values and perspectives into environmental and resource governance. These research papers include: methodological and philosophical approaches used in Australia with an Aboriginal knowledge program designed to facilitate values and decision-making in environmental governance; a study of barriers to recognizing local and Sámi knowledge of the environment in reindeer husbandry; land use governance in wind power development in Sámi areas in Norway; an interview study assessing how the forest industry seeks to integrate Sámi reindeer herding communities’ knowledge in land use planning in Sweden; a study on how Sámi reindeer herders from Northern Sweden are attempting to adapt to changing climate and land use conditions; and an insight into the Indigenous-state-industry dialogue during the (still ongoing) permit process of the so-called Násávárre mining case in Nordland County, Norway. Whilst highly diverse, these cases all point to epistemological, practical and political impediments to effective inclusion, and how these might be addressed.
Based on available data in an open-source environment, there was no military antagonism nor any provocative exercises between U.S. and Russian forces in the Arctic between 2022 and 2024. This contrasts the 2015–2021 period where the two rivals provoked each other outside the coast of Norway. Why have U.S. and Russian forces stopped antagonizing each other? Using brinkmanship as a theoretical model of explanation, this study finds the Ukraine War to be an Arctic tranquilizer. This is partly due to fear of nuclear escalation but also due to strategic necessity: neither U.S. nor Russian forces can afford an overstretch problématique in the contemporary international environment. As both protagonists forge self-imposed restraints, Russia’s 2022 invasion has inadvertently led to more Arctic stability.
A widespread governance response to land use conflict is to seek improved communication through the employment of dialogue-based instruments. In this paper, we interrogate the guiding presupposition that conflict can be planned away through a case study on the Reindeer Husbandry Plan (Renbruksplan), a tool used to address land use conflicts between industrial forestry and Indigenous Sámi reindeer herding. Drawing on critical policy analysis and environmental justice frameworks, we analyze the problematizations, silences, and effects emerging from the tool’s use in forestry planning and land use decisions. Our findings reveal that, operating in its current institutional and legal context, the tool offers limited improvements in procedural justice, exacerbates unequal distribution of burdens and benefits in terms of who gets to use forest resources, privileging a forestry-centered representation of the land use conflict. We therefore conclude that, in absence of institutional reform, the tool is likely to perpetuate conflicts and continue to reproduce the injustices embedded in Swedish forest and land use governance.
This paper offers an insight into a single case study, the permit process of the Nasa mountain – Násávárre mining case in Nordland County, Norway. At Násávárre, the Chinese-owned mining company Elkem plans to open a pit mine to extract quartz. The area in question has the highest reindeer density in Nordland County, and the proposed mining operation would affect five Indigenous Sámi reindeer herding districts on both the Norwegian and the Swedish side of Sápmi. Despite incentives aimed at improving corporate respect for Indigenous rights such as the OECD Due Diligence Guidance, Indigenous peoples often face asymmetric power relations and uneven playing fields, particularly in terms of costs and capacity to respond to corporate positions on and understandings of Indigenous knowledges and rights. The knowledge base of this encounter, as it is experienced by the reindeer herders, can be discussed in terms of structural and agential factors. Our analysis focuses on the extent to which the reindeer herders have been enabled to engage with Elkem, with a particular emphasis on the reindeer herders’ experience of how their knowledges have been assessed by the company. The work is based on a review of case documents.
A dynamic world requires people to constantly adapt their behavior and make decisions to maintain or enhance relationships between each other and the environment. Where the combined effects of anthropogenic and environmental change affect the livelihoods of Indigenous people, their options to pursue preferred adaptation strategies are often restricted by competing land uses. In this context, we explore how Sámi reindeer herders in Northern Sweden navigate the complexity of decision-making on adaptation, specifically decisions regarding supplementary feeding when winter grazing resources are inaccessible. How are decisions made and where are they positioned on an adaptation-maladaptation continuum? In a participatory approach with two reindeer herding communities, we use fuzzy cognitive mapping to explore the multi-dimensional complexity surrounding supplementary feeding. Our results emphasize the herders’ conviction that supplementary feeding is not a preferred adaptation strategy. It is rather a forced response driven by complex system dynamics that transform their pastoral landscape. To maintain the preferred traditional herding practices, desired adaptation measures viewed from a herding perspective should thus center at the system level, such as halting the loss and restoring already lost grazing grounds. This would require meaningful recognition and demands inclusion of reindeer herders’ right to self-determination into adaptation policies to mitigate environmental change.
This paper offers an example of how Indigenous knowledges can be integrated into governance within an Australian context. The research is part of an international collaborative project seeking demonstrable examples of the potential for effective integration of Indigenous knowledge into land and marine based planning processes, and environmental decision-making. In the main, the integration of Indigenous knowledge has been tokenistic, or for the purposes of appropriation, making Indigenous peoples reluctant to share their knowledge. Aware of the risks, the authors introduce an Australian based case study of a program with prodigious potential. Moolawang Ngayagang Yanba is a knowledge informed program delivered in place, on the shores of Lake Illawarra, New South Wales. Government employees, planners, scientists, environmentalists, and community members already involved with the Lake engaged in this Aboriginal based knowledge program. The aim was to introduce to participants a relational and generative way of knowing; an ethos that has the potential to inform future decision-making in relation to the Lake. Participants were encouraged to develop a relationship with, and recognise their personal and professional responsibilities to the Lake. This paper explains the Moolawang program and the Aboriginal knowledge that underpins it; Maramal, a place-based philosophy, articulating an interconnected set of frameworks for identifying with an Aboriginal worldview. We acknowledge this generously shared knowledge system is specific to Place, yet we conclude it provides principles, protocols and customs that have transferable potential to decision-making processes outside of the Illawarra, to other parts of Australia, and perhaps internationally.
