This reflective experience walks the streets of Valledupar, in the department of Cesar (Colombia), a territory that in this text takes shape through a resilient and disruptive metaphor: women as subjects who build the city. The reflections gathered here emerge from everyday forms of shared knowledge and dialogue with authors who, from critical and feminist perspectives, have named the phenomena that, in the daily movement through the city, intertwine with the lives of those who inhabit it. This approach is grounded in emotions, senses, and meanings, and it stands as a framework of resistance against the injustices that hegemonic powers reproduce in urban spaces. The positioning of people, particularly the women known as canahuateras, emerges from conditions of vulnerability and poverty, yet enables the creation of community-based and popular spaces where an alternative affective map is woven. From a place of dignified anger, this map redefines and restores dignity to urban life in this part of the Colombian Caribbean.
This article analyzes the historical and sociocultural contexts in which the Social Studies Curriculum Guidelines (2002) and the Recommendations for the Teaching of History (2022), developed by the la Comisi & oacute;n Asesora para la Ense & ntilde;anza de la Historia (CAEHC), were produced, with a focus on the armed conflict in Colombia. Drawing on Pierre Muller's (1998) theory of public policy referentials and Cris Shore's (2010) concept of governmentality, the article examines how these documents reflect transformations in official representations of the conflict and historical memory. Using a qualitative approach, the study combines an analysis of curriculum guidelines, standards, and Basic Learning Rights, a review of Law 1874 of 2017, which established the mandatory teaching of history, and semi-structured interviews with members of the commissions responsible for these documents. The findings show that the 2002 Curriculum Guidelines condensed tensions between the democratizing project of the 1991 Colombian Constitution and the security-oriented policy referential of the government at the time, while the 2006 Standards and the 2016 Basic Learning Rights introduced a logic of standardization that fragmented social knowledge. In contrast, the 2022 Recommendations propose a discursive and pedagogical shift toward a plurality of memories, historical thinking, and peacebuilding, although their impact remains limited by weak implementation and the persistence of inertial school practices. The article concludes that curriculum guidelines operate as technologies of power that legitimize particular representations of the conflict and shape citizenship education as a contested field between social control and critical formation.
Environmental security, understood as a key condition for guaranteeing access to and protection of natural resources, has become a strategic concern for the State. Within this framework, this reflective article examines the role of military institutions in environmental protection and sustainability, with particular attention to the experience of the Fuerza Aeroespacial Colombiana (FAC). The study adopts a hermeneutic approach to analyze the institution's capacities related to environmental security, especially in response to environmental threats linked to the context of the internal armed conflict.
This reflective article draws on a retrospective ethnographic approach to reconstruct a history of Bogota through the life stories of a woman who lived in it for more than eight decades. Rather than treating territory as a fixed backdrop, the article understands it as a layered symbolic and material landscape shaped by subjective ways of inhabiting urban space. From this perspective, the ethnographic work functions both as a tribute to a memory that is gradually fading due to Alzheimer's disease and as an attempt to recover an understanding of the city grounded in bodily movement and everyday practices. These practices reveal how the body inhabits, interprets, and continually redefines the city. In this sense, the city is approached through corporeality, understood as a constellation of lived experiences, emotions, and affects, in which the moving body becomes both a witness to and a producer of meaning. The narratives gathered through this ethnographic process allow for the construction of a portrait of the city composed of multiple urban and neighborhood memories, social ties, emotional bonds, and historical shifts that run through an octogenarian life, even as Alzheimer's disrupts linear time and blends past and present.
In this essay, we first argue that the growing number of environmental conflicts in twenty-first-century Latin America is closely linked to the region's rich biodiversity and its colonial extractivist legacy. To address this, we call for moving beyond reductionist views of the society-nature relationship and instead emphasize its political and social complexity. We then examine different forms of resistance to these conflicts, focusing on struggles against large-scale mining, agroindustry, and oil extraction, while also highlighting ancestral community practices as viable alternatives to the dominant market-driven model. Third, we argue that the social sciences must confront environmental injustice through a historical and critical lens that centers on structural and systemic inequalities. Drawing on Castoriadis (2007, 2013), we underscore the autonomous capacity of societies to reinvent their collective imaginaries and to break with the modern extractivist paradigm. From this perspective, we propose the idea of a "radical imaginary" as a way of envisioning and building new society-nature relationships, recognizing that even in conditions of uncertainty, societies retain the ability to create alternative paths.
Coexistence has become a major challenge in Latin American secondary education, particularly in contexts marked by high levels of violence and conflict within schools. This review article examines studies published between 2015 and 2025 that address the mediating role of teachers in creating peaceful school environments. The methodology involved a systematic search of indexed academic databases, using inclusion and exclusion criteria that resulted in the selection of 50 scholarly sources. The findings reveal a shift away from punitive approaches toward more formative and restorative practices, along with greater involvement of families in rule-setting and mediation processes. However, significant gaps remain in teacher training related to school mediation. The discussion highlights regulatory advances across the region while also pointing to persistent challenges in putting these policies into practice. The article concludes that teacher mediation plays a key role in fostering peace and improving coexistence in secondary schools.
The culture of peace is increasingly expanding and becoming globalized, a process that is essential for global stability and for the development of communities committed to preventing conflict. This study explores university students' perceptions of the climate of peace within their institution. Using a qualitative research approach, the study examines how students identify and experience peace in their academic community. The participants were 53 undergraduate students between the ages of 18 and 21 from the field of biological sciences in Mexico. Data analysis yielded an average score of 3.85, which indicates a very strong culture of peace. These results suggest that the university fosters a solid and inclusive culture of peace. Both male and female students shared agreement on 50 percent of the characteristics associated with a peaceful campus environment. Among the values most strongly emphasized by participants were respect and pluralism.
This article analyzes the formation of political subjectivity among surviving victims and the relatives of those killed in the Trujillo massacre-an expression of the necropolitics that has operated and persisted in this municipality. The study employed a qualitative approach that included document review and analysis, semi-structured interviews, guided tours of the Monument Park, the collection of photographic and audio material, as well as field notes and a multisensory form of participant observation/perception. The findings show that members of the Association of Relatives of the Victims of Trujillo (AFAVIT) have become political subjects through processes of reflection and the resignification of the violent events they experienced. Moreover, they have positioned their bodies and embodied experiences in the public sphere as acts of radical denunciation and resistance and have developed a broad repertoire of actions grounded in biopotency even while inhabiting a territory marked by the continuity and everydayness of violence.
This article presents the results of a documentary review aimed at answering the question: what forms of school violence have emerged following the return to in-person learning after the COVID-19 lockdown? Through a qualitative approach and content analysis, the study identifies intensified expressions of school violence influenced by emotional, familial, technological, and pedagogical factors. Violence is understood as a social, relational, and structural phenomenon involving students, teachers, families, and the broader educational community. Findings are organized into four key areas: (1) current academic perspectives on school violence, (2) recent manifestations of the phenomenon, (3) the roles of involved actors, and (4) pedagogical strategies to understand, prevent, and transform these expressions of violence through education for peace. The study offers a multidimensional understanding of post-pandemic school violence, rooted in structural conditions and intensified by digital hyperconnectivity. It highlights the need for interdisciplinary and restorative approaches that actively involve the entire educational community-teachers, families, students, and support networks-to rebuild school environments in the post-COVID era.
The Total Peace policy promoted by the President of Colombia, Gustavo Petro (2022-2026), seeks to engage all irregular armed actors (both political and non-political) in a dialogue process. This article analyzes the subject during his first year in office. Through an interpretive approach based on a triad of sources (legal, academic, and journalistic), the proposal is explored, identifying some of its characteristics. The research findings suggest that Total Peace is a challenging endeavor in the political landscape, as its definition, scope, and implementation are highly ambiguous- partly due to a lack of clarity, the proliferation of armed groups, and political resistance from traditional sectors. This highlights how debatable the implementation of this policy in Colombia can be, according to the findings of the research and the interpretation of both authors.
The objective of the research is to carry out a descriptive analysis of the records of victims and cases of violence in Colombia, focusing on the most relevant aspects that occurred during the period 1947-2024. The methodology focuses on a quantitative approach which refers to the use of mathematical and statistical methods to collect, analyze and interpret numerical data. Of cross-sectional design, its main goal is to describe variables in a group of cases. The results show that between 1947 and 2024, a total of 17.477 victims of sexual crimes in the context of the armed conflict have been registered. Likewise, from 1962 to 2024, 18.182 cases of recruitment and use of children and adolescents, 10.443 victims of antipersonnel mines, 27.583 victims of massacres, 80.901 victims of forced disappearance in the armed conflict were documented. In the discussions, it is exposed that according to the report of the Constitutional Court Follow-up Board (2024), the inefficiency in the investigation and prosecution models is identified as the main cause of impunity in cases of sexual violence against women. The conclusions reveal how the analyzed data evidences the profound impact that the armed conflict has had on the population in Colombia, revealing an of sexual recruitment of victims of landmines and massacres.
This article analyzes the museum scene in Colombia as a display and dialogue platform in the process of memory and peace building. For this purpose, a qualitative research was conducted with an inductive focus that combines a documentary analysis and case study design, which identified trends in themes, actors, languages and tensions generated in representing the armed conflict. A journey is made that articulates the historical context with some of the main exhibitions held in different cities of the country between 1999-2022. The analysis reveals, on the one side, the changes in the social comprehensions about violence and memory processes in Colombia. On the other hand, it reveals the development of a museological and artistic field that transforms itself according to the context and in which, in addition, different actors implicated in the conflict converge.
This article examines the field of historical memory in the municipalities of Argelia and Nari & ntilde;o, located in eastern Antioquia, within the context of the post-conflict period. It characterizes key actors, strategies, and expressions of memory, revealing a complex network, and highlights the role of certain organizations in preserving collective memory. The study applies the concept of "field" to analyze power dynamics and struggles for legitimacy within memory processes. Recent memory initiatives are identified, and the impact of others previously studied by different authors is acknowledged. The article also addresses the local impact of the 2011 Victims' Law, noting both its achievements in recognizing rights and its ambiguous effects on victims' organizations. It underscores the challenges of intergenerational memory transmission and the importance of local particularities in memory construction.
This article will provide a theoretical approach from the epistemology of Imperfect Peace within the context of the religious entities of Eastern Rif, framed within the process of Morocco's inde-pendence since 1956. The new independent era placed the zawiyas at a new crossroads in their long period of survival, making this a time of instability for such entities. The social spaces created by the zawiyas will be altered by the new sociocultural dynamics, transforming and adapting to the demands of the moment. This work aims to bring the reader closer to peace as an unfinished process, coexisting with conflict, through the analysis of the peaceful elements generated in these Sufi entities. It is relevant to apply the epistemology of Imperfect Peace, given the well-known dynamism of the zawiyas, their role as agents of the vernacularization of Islam to transform it into what is known as popular religion, which accompanies the search for an unfinished and transfor-mative peace in one of the most deeply rooted entities in the Eastern Rif.
El conflicto armado en Colombia ha dejado una profunda huella en la sociedad, dando lugar a diversas estrategias de justicia transicional para garantizar la verdad, la justicia, la reparación y la no repetición. En este contexto, el perdón emerge como un elemento clave para la reconciliación, aunque su significado y aplicación generan debates y resistencias. Este estudio analiza la relación entre el Sistema Integral para la Paz (SIP) y el concepto de perdón en el posconflicto colombiano, a partir de un enfoque documental y una experiencia pedagógica con estudiantes de grado 11 en Cúcuta. La metodología combina el análisis jurídico con la construcción de matrices documentales en el aula, permitiendo a los jóvenes reflexionar sobre el papel del perdón en la justicia restaurativa y su compatibilidad con la verdad y la reparación. Los hallazgos revelan que la percepción del perdón está mediada por factores sociales, educativos y emocionales, evidenciando la necesidad de fortalecer la educación para la paz. Finalmente, se concluye que el perdón no es un requisito para la justicia, sino una posibilidad que depende de procesos genuinos de reconocimiento y reparación.
Este artículo analiza la censura y persecución a la prensa bajo las dictaduras de Marcos Pérez Jiménez en Venezuela (1952-1958) y Gustavo Rojas Pinilla en Colombia (1953-1957). A través de un enfoque comparativo, se examinan los mecanismos legales e institucionales utilizados para reprimir la libertad de expresión, así como las estrategias de resistencia de los periodistas y medios de comunicación. Se destaca cómo la censura, lejos de consolidar a estos regímenes, erosionó su legitimidad y contribuyó a su caída. Además, se identifican similitudes y diferencias en la aplicación de estas políticas represivas en ambos países. La investigación se sustenta en documentos de prensa, leyes y testimonios de la época, permitiendo comprender el impacto de la censura en la historia de la democracia latinoamericana.
El presente ejercicio académico explora cómo los maestros y maestras contribuyen a la construcción de culturas de paz desde sus historias de vida, decantando acciones pedagógicas a favor de la reconfiguración del tejido social, en el municipio de Puerto Lleras, departamento del Meta en Colombia. Las bases teóricas acerca de la paz positiva de Galtung, (1969) como promoción de justicia social y promoción de los Derechos Humanos, se complementan con las reflexiones de la paz imperfecta del profesor Francisco Muñoz (2004), quien expone la paz como la gestión y el esfuerzo inacabado de superación de conflictos y las posibles respuestas a lo emergente de los mismos. Para tal propósito se recurre a una investigación cualitativa, con enfoque hermenéutico. Se llevaron a cabo tres entrevistas semiestructuradas a maestros y maestras de la Institución Educativa Majestuoso Ariari, quienes compartieron sus experiencias sobre las culturas de paz, en categorías como; no violencia, agenciamientos de paz y resiliencia. Dado el compromiso con el diseño metodológico, las narrativas de vida fueron revisadas, recontextualizadas y analizadas con base en categorías de las culturas de paz, con el apoyo del software atlas ti. En los hallazgos, se detalla como el profesorado desempeña un papel fundamental en la construcción de culturas de paz, por medio de agenciamientos pacifistas desde diversas mediaciones pedagógicas con una alta carga de resiliencia. Esto permitió identificar prácticas de no violencia en el entorno escolar, como la creación de espacios y proyectos para la resolución pacífica de conflictos. En consecuencia, el trabajo docente en la construcción de culturas de paz demostró como se viene superado las barreras estructurales y culturales de violencias que aún impregnan los territorios. En las conclusiones se enfatiza cómo las narrativas de vida de los maestros y maestras, donan sus sentidos para educar en y para la paz, desde su vocación ontológica, como actores de paz (Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica [CNMH], 2017).
El libro Enlazando Voces por la Verdad ofrece un análisis psicosocial del informe final de la Comisión para el Esclarecimiento de la Verdad (CEV) en Colombia. Examina el impacto del conflicto armado en la sociedad, las dificultades en la implementación de la justicia transicional y la importancia de la memoria histórica para la construcción de paz. El texto destaca cómo el conflicto ha afectado a las personas, la economía y la democracia, además de evaluar la asignación de responsabilidades y las reacciones sociales al informe de la CEV. A través de una perspectiva crítica, resalta los avances y desafíos del proceso de verdad, justicia y reconciliación en el país. Entre sus principales enseñanzas, el libro subraya que la verdad es un proceso en construcción, que el conflicto no ha terminado completamente, y que la justicia restaurativa es clave para la reparación de las víctimas. También advierte sobre el peligro del olvido y la necesidad de un compromiso colectivo para la transformación social. Aunque su enfoque en las víctimas y la memoria lo convierte en una obra valiosa para la construcción de paz, el libro enfrenta desafíos en su accesibilidad y en la propuesta de soluciones concretas para fortalecer la reconciliación comunitaria.
El artículo investiga si los Consejos Territoriales de Paz (CTPRC) en Colombia son infraestructuras que despliegan las capacidades del Estado para la construcción de paz. Utilizando un enfoque cualitativo, se recopilaron datos de 850 municipios de Colombia y se obtuvo una sólida base de datos sobre los CTPRC. Los resultados muestran que, aunque existen formalmente en más del 60% de los municipios, menos de la mitad están activos. Las limitaciones se deben a la baja capacidad institucional y recursos insuficientes en los municipios donde se encuentran. A pesar de su potencial para apoyar la implementación de acuerdos de paz, su baja actividad y falta de inclusión en las negociaciones limitan su efectividad. Se concluye que los CTPRC pueden ayudar en la implementación de una paz territorial y la legitimación estatal, requiriendo acompañamiento, fortalecimiento continuo, y una mayor integración en las estrategias de paz del Estado.
