| This article analyzed the system of military rewards for disability promoted by the Regeneration governments in Colombia between 1886 and 1904. Through Laws 153 of 1887, 84 of 1890, and 149 of 1896, along with the study of 299 Supreme Court of Justice sentences, a database that allowed for a quantitative and qualitative reading of the phenomenon was created. A reading of the reward system was proposed as a mechanism used by the Regeneration to legitimize its political project and to establish a direct relationship with the military, and with those who fought from illegality to defend conservative ideological principles. Furthermore, a social characterization of the disabled men was presented based on military positions, participation in wars, and the type of disability. The reward policy configured a form of institutional exit from the nineteenth-century wars in Colombia, which allowed the Regeneration to establish direct relationships with these men through the delivery of economic compensation. However, the system also had ideological limits by excluding regional conflicts.
This article analyzed the discourses and strategies adopted by 19th-century widows in New Granada in their pension applications to the military pension fund, with the aim of understanding how these women negotiated their place within the new republican order. The central problem addressed was the discursive transition from "grace," understood as a favor inherited from the monarchical regime, to the language of law and legality characteristic of the republican state. Methodologically, administrative records, decrees, and petitions from widows between 1837 and 1866 were reviewed, using a theoretical framework based on hegemony, discourse analysis, and social representations. The results showed that the widows used linguistic resources associated with patriotic sacrifice, morality, and vulnerability to legitimize their claims. Although they initially appealed to the government's grace as a paternalistic gift, they progressively incorporated legal language to substantiate their rights. It was concluded that pension applications provided a context that enabled the manifestation of female agency where women actively participated in the state system, contributing to the consolidation of republican discourse. This transition from supplication to legal demand highlighted their role in redefining citizenship and the relationships between gender, power, and legality in the 19(th) century.
The article analyzed how the refunctionalization of the former F & aacute;brica de Cartuchos de Realengo between 2004 and 2024 incorporated - or not - elements of industrial heritage preservation associated with factory nostalgia. The objective was to understand how collective memory influenced the perception of the transformation of the former military complex into an urban park. To this end, a case study was conducted involving document review, collection of historical and digital records, semi-structured interviews, and direct observation at different moments of the construction and inauguration of the Parque Realengo Susana Naspolini. The results indicated that, although the chimney and one building from the former factory complex were preserved, the connection between the park and its industrial past proved to be tenuous. The interviews revealed significant emotional ties between former workers and residents and the factory, while current visitors prioritized the recreational use of the space, with no explicit references to its industrial history. It is concluded that the reuse generated a superficial nostalgia, close to the so-called "chimney nostalgia," and it is recommended that future interventions integrate labor memory and community participation into heritage projects.
In 1869, shortly after the election of Domingo Faustino Sarmiento to the presidency of the Argentine Republic, Felix Fr & iacute;as was nominated plenipotentiary minister in Santiago de Chile. Although the main objective of his mission was to consolidate good relations between the two countries and negotiate unresolved border differences, in his first years in the Chilean capital the Argentine representative had to confront the asylum of federal montonero Felipe Varela and his followers in the neighboring country. This article analyzes the discussion between Fr & iacute;as and the Chilean authorities during the government of Jose Joaqu & iacute;n Perez, using diplomatic correspondence, principally of the Argentine representative, as well as the legal textbooks and international treaties that regulated asylum law during the 19th century. It argues that even before the codification of a regional framework to regulate the matter, a doctrinal base began to emerge due to the prevalence of exile in the region. However, the right of asylum was a very ambiguous tool in a context of "exiting from war", because it was functional for the opposition but ended up being dangerous once in power.
This article examined the pardon policies decreed by the Venezuelan government in the mid-nineteenth century, during a period of intense conflict. These measures were adopted in the context of the removal from office of President Jos & eacute; Tadeo Monagas in March 1858 and the emergence of an armed faction, the Facci & oacute;n de la Sierra, led by three members of the Liberal Party. The text was divided into two parts. First, it provided historical contextualization of the concepts and, secondly, drewed on judicial and administrative sources Naci & oacute;n, it sought to understand the transformations brought about by the construction of republican institutions and the hybridization of legal and political cultures in the use of measures of pardons and amnesty. These measures were understood as mechanisms for containing violence, ending armed conflict and pacifying the country.
| With few exceptions, 19th-century civil wars in New Granada ended with one side defeating the other on the battlefield. Through the case of the army officers who were part of the defeated side in 1854, the objective of this article was to assess the consequences of the imbalance between victors and vanquished after civil wars. The general bibliography on the post-war periods in the history of Colombia (19th and 20th centuries) was used to frame the problem in the long term. The specific bibliography on the civil war of 1854 and its postwar period was contrasted with primary sources to test available interpretations. As a result, we found that for almost six months, the defeated army officers of 1854 could have been subjected to the death penalty for their political crimes, although they were ultimately treated clemently. This particular post-war reckoning set a precedent of clemency for the New Granadan revolutionaries of the second half of the 19th century that inspired different attitudes and behaviors in civilians and army officers.
The article analyzed the strategies employed by the Missionary Sisters of Mary Immaculate and Saint Catherine of Siena to evangelize the Indigenous groups of western Antioquia, Colombia, during the initial stage of the missionary congregation's formation (1914-1925). The study drew on sources published by the congregation's founder, Mother Laura Montoya, as well as on archival materials from the collection of religious women in the Diocese of Antioquia. The text argues that the methods used by the Lauritas were innovative compared to those of other missions, as they adapted to the dispersed organization of Indigenous settlements and did not require elaborate buildings to create a Catholic space. In other words, the missionaries adapted the physical structure of the mission not only to the Catio settlements but also to the environmental challenges they faced. Furthermore, the study demonstrates that their strategies were accompanied by a reinterpretation of women's roles within the missions, since the Lauritas assumed responsibility for the evangelization of Indigenous peoples and not merely their catechization, as was traditionally expected of women.
This paper presents a transcription and analysis of the letter sent by Diego de Almagro to Charles V in 1535, which serves as a prelude to his expedition to Chile. The study contextualizes the letter within the broader process of power consolidation following the conquest of Peru and examines its role as a political instrument of legitimation. The transcription preserves the original spellings to reconstruct the historical and linguistic materiality of the text. This research offers new insights into Almagro's self-representation and the symbolic articulation of territory within the imperial imagination.
This article examined how leftist ideas, particularly anarchism, were disseminated and took root in Bolivia despite its apparent geographical and ideological isolation, owing in part to Italian migration. Drawing on documentation preserved in the Central State Archive of Italy, records from the Central Political Registry, and labour press, the study reconstructed the trajectories of these migrants and their participation in transnational networks. The findings revealed that, from the early decades of the twentieth century onward, the arrival of politicized Italians and their involvement in printing presses, labour unions, and anarchist circles strengthened the channels for the diffusion of leftist thought in cities such as Buenos Aires, Santiago, and Oruro. This evidence demonstrated how migration operated as a bridge of ideological resistance against state repression and the growing influence of fascism. In summary, the article explored the impact of migratory networks and displacements on the Bolivian leftopening new perspectives for examining the relationship between migrant identity and the formation of labour movements in the Andes.
The article examined the configuration of anti-communism in Colombia during the National Front (1958-1974) based on philosopher Roberto Esposito's immune model. The aim was to analyze the ideological and discursive mechanisms that legitimized this stance, with an emphasis on the role of the press in managing the so-called "communist risk." It sought to demonstrate how debates on freedom of the press operated as a political tool to reinforce the exclusion of communism from the public sphere and guarantee the stability of the regime. The research was based on the history of political languages, a current influenced by Quentin Skinner and J. G. A. Pocock, which inspired El & iacute;as Palti in his proposal for a new intellectual history. From this perspective, a transformation in anti-communist strategies was observed as open and violent repression gave way to more subtle and effective mechanisms, among which the ideological use of the press stands out. The results showed that the press became an immunological device against communism, inscribed in a biopolitical logic that sought to protect the political order through the symbolic neutralization of the internal enemy. Thus, the discourse of freedom of the press legitimized a more sophisticated and lasting form of exclusion and control.
The article has addressed the process of pacifying a revolution-or violent act of constitutional defense of independence-based on the question of how to limit or prevent it. It has focused on how the victors sought both to prevent their rivals from reversing their triumph and to reward their collaborators. As a hypothesis, it has argued that political allegiances in favor of the revolution, in addition to obeying institutional and doctrinal reasons, were partially linked to the needs of its actors to maintain and obtain professional and employment advantages. To demonstrate this, he has combined a macro and micro approach. On the one hand, through the narrative of "employment mania," he has offered an overview of the role in politics of civil and military employees. On the other hand, by adding another collective actor, the battalions of artisans, he has exemplified the problem of punishment and reward since the mandate of Manuel Isidoro Belzu (1848-1855), as he constituted a government in a continuous state of emergency. The documentation-legislation, press, pamphlets, correspondence, and congressional reports-emphasizes that the practices associated with the "end of the war" required a transformation of the relationship between politics and violence.
Con pocas excepciones, las guerras civiles del siglo XIX en la Nueva Granada terminaron con la victoria de un bando sobre el otro en el campo de batalla. A través del caso de los oficiales del Ejército que formaron parte del bando derrotado en 1854, el objetivo de este artículo fue evaluar las consecuencias del desequilibrio entre vencedores y vencidos tras las guerras civiles. La bibliografía general sobre los períodos de posguerra en la historia de Colombia (siglos XIX y XX) se usó para enmarcar el problema en el largo plazo. La bibliografía específica sobre la guerra civil de 1854 y su período de posguerra se contrastó con fuentes primarias para poner a prueba las interpretaciones disponibles. Como resultado, se encontró que, durante casi seis meses, los oficiales del Ejército derrotados en 1854 pudieron haber sido condenados a muerte por sus delitos políticos, aunque finalmente recibieron un trato indulgente. Este particular ajuste de cuentas de posguerra sentó un precedente de clemencia para los revolucionarios neogranadinos de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, que inspiró actitudes y comportamientos diferentes en civiles y militares.
El artículo examinó la configuración del anticomunismo en Colombia durante el Frente Nacional (1958-1974) a partir del modelo inmunitario del filósofo Roberto Esposito. Su propósito fue analizar los mecanismos ideológicos y discursivos que legitimaron esta postura, con énfasis en el papel de la prensa en la gestión del llamado “riesgo comunista”. Se buscó demostrar la forma en que los debates sobre la libertad de prensa operaron como herramienta política para reforzar la exclusión del comunismo del ámbito público y garantizar la estabilidad del régimen. La investigación se sustentó en la historia de los lenguajes políticos, corriente influida por Quentin Skinner y J. G. A. Pocock, que inspira a Elías Palti en su propuesta de una nueva historia intelectual. Desde esta perspectiva se observó una transformación en las estrategias anticomunistas, pues de la represión abierta y violenta se transitó hacia mecanismos más sutiles y eficaces, entre los cuales destaca el uso ideológico de la prensa. Los resultados mostraron que la prensa se constituyó en un dispositivo inmunológico frente al comunismo, inscrito en una lógica biopolítica que buscaba proteger el orden político mediante la neutralización simbólica del enemigo interno. Así, el discurso de la libertad de prensa legitimó una forma más sofisticada y duradera de exclusión y control.
El artículo analiza las estrategias utilizadas por las misioneras de María Inmaculada y Santa Catalina de Sena, para evangelizar a los grupos indígenas del occidente antioqueño, durante la primera etapa de formación de la congregación misionera (1914-1925). El texto propone que los métodos usados por las Lauritas fueron diferentes a los utilizados en otras misiones porque se adaptaron a la organización dispersa de los asentamientos indígenas y no necesitaban edificaciones muy elaboradas para crear un espacio católico. En otras palabras, las Lauritas adaptaron la estructura física de la misión, no solo a los asentamientos Catíos, sino también a las dificultades del ambiente. Asimismo, sus estrategias estuvieron acompañadas de la reinterpretación del papel de la mujer dentro de las misiones. Las misioneras terminaron asumiendo la evangelización de los indígenas y no sólo la catequización (como era esperado para las mujeres).
O artigo analisa o processo de refuncionalização da antiga Fábrica de Cartuchos de Realengo, no Rio de Janeiro, explorando a relação entre preservação de patrimônio industrial e nostalgia. A fábrica, inaugurada em 1898 e desativada em 1978, teve partes de sua estrutura transformadas em áreas públicas, incluindo o Parque Susana Naspolini. O estudo aborda como a memória da comunidade e a nostalgia industrial influenciam o modo como essas transformações são percebidas. Embora o parque preserve elementos da antiga fábrica, como a chaminé, observa-se que a conexão com o passado fabril é tênue, o que levanta questões sobre o uso da nostalgia como ferramenta de valorização cultural. A metodologia incluiu análise documental, entrevistas e observação direta, revelando percepções contrastantes entre o valor afetivo do local para antigos trabalhadores e a funcionalidade atual voltada ao lazer da comunidade.
Reseña del libro Carlos Niño Murcia, Jairo Chaparro Valderrama, Walter López Borbón, Luis Carlos Jiménez y Santiago Jara Ramírez. Bogotá hecha a mano. Barrios autoconstruidos, una gesta social y cultural. Bogotá: Instituto Distrital de Patrimonial Cultural, 2023, p. 180.
Este artículo analiza a partir de los expedientes de solicitud de pensión cómo las viudas en la Nueva Granada y Colombia gestionaron peticiones de montepío ante el Estado entre 1820 y mediados del siglo XIX. El estudio revela cómo estas mujeres y sus intermediarios combinaron discursos sobre la indigencia y el sacrificio patriótico para legitimar su derecho. Además, las solicitudes muestran una apropiación del lenguaje jurídico y político hegemónico de la época, donde las peticionarias construyeron su condición meritoria y reinterpretaron las normas vigentes. De igual manera, las representaciones de la viudez, desde la narrativa del expediente de pensión, incorporaron valores, significados, así como las tensiones entre la solicitud de la gracia como dádiva y el derecho pensional como reclamación. La petición como un campo de mediación sirve para percibir las transformaciones discursivas, y la disputa de mujeres por el reconocimiento de sus derechos. En suma, los expedientes se presentan como espacios de negociación y agencia femenina, donde se evidencian sus filiaciones políticas y la lectura del contexto de la guerra por parte de las mujeres que movilizaron sus derechos.
El artículo ha abordado el proceso de pacificación de una revolución —un acto violento de defensa constitucional del hecho independentista—, a partir de la pregunta de cómo limitarla o evitarla. Se ha centrado en el modo en que los vencedores buscaron tanto impedir que sus rivales revirtieran su triunfo, como premiar a sus colaboradores. A modo de hipótesis, se ha defendido que las adscripciones políticas a favor de la revolución, además de obedecer a razones institucionales y doctrinarias, estuvieron parcialmente vinculadas a las necesidades de sus actores de mantener y obtener ventajas profesionales y laborales. Para demostrarlo, el texto ha combinado un enfoque macro y micro. De un lado, mediante la narrativa de la “empleomanía” ha ofrecido una visión general sobre el papel en la política de los empleados públicos de las listas civil y militar. De otro, con la suma a estos de otro actor colectivo, los batallones de artesanos, se ha ejemplificado la problemática de castigo y premio a partir del mandato de Manuel Isidoro Belzu (1848-1855), por constituir un gobierno en continuo estado de excepción. Finalmente, se ha mostrado que la documentación —legislación prensa, folletería, correspondencia o redactores de congresos— incidió en que las prácticas asociadas con las “salidas de la guerra” requerían transformar la relación entre política y violencia.
Este artículo analizó el sistema de recompensas militares por invalidez promovidas por los gobiernos de la Regeneración en Colombia entre 1886 y 1904. A través de las leyes 153 de 1887, 84 de 1890 y 149 de 1896, junto con el estudio de 299 sentencias de la Corte Suprema de Justicia, se construyó una base de datos que permitió hacer una lectura cuantitativa y cualitativa del fenómeno. Se planteó una lectura del sistema de recompensas como mecanismo usado por la Regeneración para legitimar su proyecto político y establecer una relación directa con los militares, y con aquellos que lucharon desde la ilegalidad por defender los principios ideológicos conservadores. Además, se presentó una caracterización social de los hombres inválidos con base en los cargos militares, la participación en las guerras y el tipo de invalidez. La política de recompensas configuró una forma de salida institucional de las guerras del siglo XIX en Colombia, que permitieron a la Regeneración establecer relaciones directas con estos hombres a través de la entrega de una compensación económica. No obstante, el sistema también tuvo límites ideológicos al excluir los conflictos regionales.
Este artículo analizó cómo las ideas de izquierda, especialmente el anarquismo, se difundieron y arraigaron en Bolivia pese a su aparente aislamiento geográfico e ideológico gracias, en parte, a la emigración italiana. A partir de documentación conservada en el Archivo Central del Estado italiano, los expedientes del Registro Político Central y la prensa obrera se reconstruyeron las trayectorias de estos migrantes y su participación en redes transnacionales. Los resultados mostraron que, desde las primeras décadas del siglo XX, la llegada de italianos politizados y su intervención en imprentas, sindicatos y núcleos anarquistas fortalecieron los canales de difusión de las ideas de izquierda en ciudades como Buenos Aires, Santiago y Oruro; evidenciando cómo la migración funcionó como un puente de resistencia ideológica frente a la represión estatal y la influencia del fascismo. En conjunto, el artículo exploró la influencia de las redes y los desplazamientos migratorios sobre la izquierda boliviana, abriendo nuevas perspectivas para estudiar la relación entre identidad migrante y formación de movimientos obreros en los Andes.
