The 2022 Quebec provincial election reaffirmed the Coalition Avenir Qu & eacute;bec's (CAQ) dominance under Premier Fran & ccedil;ois Legault, who secured a second majority government with 90 seats and 41% of the vote. The campaign followed the lifting of COVID-19 restrictions, with Legault benefiting from public approval of his pandemic management. The CAQ's platform focused on economic relief, healthcare, and nationalist policies, while opposition parties-PLQ, PQ, QS, and PCQ-struggled with fragmentation and controversies. The PLQ and PQ continued their decline, while QS seemed to reach a ceiling and the PCQ saw a significant rise in vote share without winning seats. The election highlighted distortions in Quebec's single-member plurality electoral system and renewed calls for electoral reform. New parties emerged in response to Bill 96, advocating for anglophone rights. The campaign also saw a record number of Indigenous candidates, signaling growing political inclusion.
A significant barrier that scholars of Canadian politics face in engaging with Indigenous politics in a “good way” is challenging foundational beliefs about the character and content of “the political.” This includes refusing the naturalization of the existence of the state, discursively re-tethering culture to law and politics, and taking real material risks by putting theory into praxis. Scholarship within the subfield of Indigenous politics and the field of critical Indigenous studies offer scholars of Canadian political science meaningful inroads to address these structural and epistemic burdens. This article asserts that engaging with Indigenous politics toward the end of decolonization and liberation, not simply inclusion, requires structural disruption, localized action, and a deference towards Indigenous knowledge systems. I identify potential sites of intervention in the field of political science provoked by the question “how might we engage with Indigenous politics in a ‘good’ way?”
With the emergence of the New Democratic Party, who have demonstrated legitimate competitiveness for three consecutive elections, there is now little doubt that Alberta has transitioned into a Two-Party system. This article situates that outcome within a longer period of political instability, grounded fundamentally in volatile resource prices that have played an important and underappreciated role in fracturing the province's traditional party system. Drawing on historical electoral data and a narrative analysis of leadership contests and policy disputes, the article demonstrates that Alberta's long-standing governing formula, or "Holy Trinity" of Alberta politics: well-funded government services, low taxes, and balanced budgets has depended heavily on stable resource revenues. When oil prices have dropped sharply, electoral trouble, if not defeat, for the PCs (and now UCP) has followed-a pattern that emerges across several decades. As oil prices have become increasingly volatile since 2008, consecutive conservative governments struggled to reconcile competing ideological wings, weakening the PCs and later the UCP, and facilitating the emergence of sustained electoral competition.
Denmark is often heralded as a democratic ideal. The Danish democracy appears to ensure representation of its citizenry. Yet, does Denmark, in fact, shine as a democratic leader, a beacon of light in the political darkness? Or does it serve merely as an unworkable utopian outlier? We attempt to answer such questions by analyzing voter data from national studies in Denmark and several other advanced democracies, spanning many decades. We compare three normative, highly relevant, measures of democratic performance: voice, choice, and satisfaction. Voice refers to voter participation in the system. Choice refers to the scope of viable party choices. Satisfaction refers to generalized support for the democracy’s functioning. In combination, these three measures will provide an index of democratic performance. To the extent Denmark obtains distinctively higher performance scores, its role as a” beacon of light” relative to other Western democracies may continue.
The 2022 Ontario election resulted in the re-election of the Progressive Conservative (PC) party. Despite a turbulent four years marked by the COVID-19 pandemic, healthcare challenges, inflation, and skyrocketing housing costs, Premier Doug Ford and his PCs secured another term, even though Ford's popularity had fluctuated before the pandemic. This article examines some factors that shaped the outcome. While low voter turnout suggests voter apathy or malaise, voters did appear concerned with housing, which emerged as a prominent issue, but its centrality for voters is challenged by concerns about inflation, health, and the overall economy. The article also examines the media's coverage of the election, shedding light on which issues received the most attention and how party leaders were portrayed.
Long overshadowed by other levels of government, Quebec municipal politics has undergone a major revival in recent years. This short article focuses on the 2021 municipal elections were presented in the media as the scene of a "new wave", as a new class of younger, more politicized politicians emerged, several of them have won in major cities. The results suggest a renewal in various aspects of Quebec's municipal landscape. However, the post-election period has proven challenging, both in terms of relations with the provincial government and the difficulties faced by newly elected officials. These developments raise the following question: does this election cycle represent a real "turning point" in Quebec municipal politics?
Since becoming Premier of Ontario in 2018, Doug Ford has utilized the Westminster Parliamentary system and invocations of particular types of majoritarian politics to attempt to shield his government from accountability and critique. This article explores the use of majoritarian discourse and the specific legislative tools that the Ford government has used to further the neoliberalization of the Ontario state apparatus. This is represented by, but not limited to, The Better Local Democracy Act (2018) and the use of creatures of the province to impose a total restructuring of the City of Toronto’s democratic-decision making institutions and processes; the Strong Mayors, Building Homes Act (2022), which set an unparalleled centralization of power in municipal mayor’s offices in Toronto and Ottawa; and his unprecedented usage of the Notwithstanding Clause on two occasions, but particularly the Keeping Students in Class Act (2022) which overrode constitutionally protected collective bargaining and strike rights for CUPE education workers in Ontario. Utilizing a combination of what Ian Bruff (2014) describes as ‘authoritarian neoliberalism’ and Thomas McDowell (2019; 2021) refers to as “neoliberal parliamentarism,” this article argues that while seemingly very different cases that these pieces of legislation and the discourses to justify them are indicative of a turn towards an oscillating majoritarian and inverted majoritarian form of neoliberalization rooted in the idea of a specific form of executive parliamentary supremacy at multiple territorial levels of Canadian federalism and governance.
Cannabis policy is evolving around the world. While cannabis legalization is perhaps inevitable, responsible regulation is not. Canada provides a unique case study. This paper explores five regulatory models that guide contemporary cannabis policy, organized around public safety, public health, medicinal and therapeutic models, commerce, and racial justice. First, we assess each by focusing on fundamental assumptions, operational goals, and practical outcomes. Next, we consider the impacts of each of these models by exploring significant categories of cannabis policy-based harm. Third, we attempt to reconcile tensions between commerce and control, liberty and safety, and justice and fairness. By re-aligning regulatory cannabis models, we focus on access, equity, and tolerance, re-conceiving public safety, and explicitly committing to consent as central to cannabis diversion programs. Finally, in place of singular governance models, we propose several intermediate polymorphic policy reforms to inform this re-alignment.
This paper investigates whether advocacy coalitions can have much policy influence in Canadian policy processes, where decision-making power tends to be highly centralized in the executive. The question is investigated through a diachronic case study of firearms policy-making that compares policy processes in 1976-77 and 1994-95 using a most-similar logic. Content analysis and social network analysis show that the 1976-77 process involved only a gun rights advocacy coalition, while the 1994-95 process involved both gun rights and gun control advocacy coalitions. Comparative analysis further shows that these advocacy coalitions had difference-making influence in these policy processes, contributing to the adoption of relatively minor gun control reforms in 1977 and major reforms in 1995.
The 2021 Yukon election took place in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic; pandemic management, housing, and spending promises all featured prominently in the campaign. The election ended with the Yukon Party and Liberal Party tied with eight seats, and the NDP had three. To stay in power, the Liberals formed a minority government supported by the NDP through a Confidence and Supply Agreement.
The 2019 Northwest Territories General Election, held on October 1, represented a decisive juncture in territorial politics, reaffirming recently developed trends and potentially introducing new ones. The election provided a window of opportunity for significant change in the face of territorial politics, with a handful of longterm cabinet ministers opting to retire following the 18th Assembly. The election reaffirmed the trend of declining incumbency first seen in the 2015 election, with several incumbents losing their re-election bids, often in landslide defeats. The 2019 election also saw a breakthrough in the representation of women in the Legislative Assembly. Lastly, in 2019 the territory became the first province or territory in Canada to introduce online voting in general elections.
Cannabis policy is evolving around the world. While cannabis legalization is perhaps inevitable, responsible regulation is not. Canada provides a unique case study. This paper explores five regulatory models that guide contemporary cannabis policy, organized around public safety, public health, medicinal and therapeutic models, commerce, and racial justice. First, we assess each by focusing on fundamental assumptions, operational goals, and practical outcomes. Next, we consider the impacts of each of these models by exploring significant categories of cannabis policy-based harm. Third, we attempt to reconcile tensions between commerce and control, liberty and safety, and justice and fairness. By re-aligning regulatory cannabis models, we focus on access, equity, and tolerance, re-conceiving public safety, and explicitly committing to consent as central to cannabis diversion programs. Finally, in place of singular governance models, we propose several intermediate polymorphic policy reforms to inform this re-alignment.
Our research note investigates the impacts of the 2018 attestation requirement of the Canada Student Jobs program (CSJ) compared to that of the no-attestation version of 2017, and that of the revised CSJ attestation box of 2019. We found:(1) Christian groups (mostly Catholic and various evangelical Christian denominations) collectively received less than half the funds they received in 2017, and lost just over 3,000 jobs in 2018, or just under half the jobs secured 2017. In 2019 religious-based groups regained about 2,700 jobs. (2) what jobs the religious groups lost in 2018 were picked up by non-religious applicants. The latter received a modest increase in funding in 2018 over the previous year, and another increase in 2019.
Since becoming Premier of Ontario in 2018, Doug Ford has utilized the Westminster parliamentary system and invocations of particular types of majoritarian politics to shield his government from accountability and critique. This article explores the use of majoritarian discourse and the legislative tools that Ford has used to further the neoliberalization of the Ontario state apparatus. This is represented by, but not limited to, The Better Local Democracy Act (2018); the Strong Mayors, Building Homes Act (2022); and his unprecedented usage of the Notwithstanding Clause on two occasions, but particularly the Keeping Students in Class Act (2022). Utilizing Thomas McDowell's (2019; 2021) theory of neoliberal parliamentarism, this article argues that, while seemingly very different cases, these pieces of legislation and the discourses to justify them are indicative of a turn towards an oscillating majoritarian and specific form of executive parliamentary supremacy at multiple territorial levels of Canadian federalism and governance.
The legalization of marijuana in Canada offers a unique opportunity to investigate a fundamental question about voting behaviour: are voters leading parties by judging them on the ground of their issue stands, or instead aligning their views to match those of the party they prefer? Utilizing panel data from the 2011 and 2015 elections, this study investigates how Canadian voters' support structures for marijuana legalization and whether they align with parties that reflect their preexisting policy preferences or if they modify their views to coincide with their party. The findings indicate a positive correlation between support for the Liberal Party of Canada and pro-legalization attitudes. Evidence suggests a two-way influence: marijuana legalization impacts support for the Liberals, and the Liberal Party influences voters' attitudes towards marijuana. This analysis underscores the significance of positional issues in voting behavior and adds to the long-standing debate on issue-based voting in Canadian politics.
Political parties in Quebec face dilemmas when it comes to language and translation policy: French is the province’s only official language and the mother tongue of the vast majority of the population. However, a significant percentage of the population, between 10 per cent and 15 per cent depending on the criteria, is considered English-speaking. In this context, and because every vote matters, parties translate some material into English, but what they translate and to what extent varies from one party to another. This contribution examines the languages of seven communication tools used by Quebec political parties during the 2022 provincial election, that is, their name, logo, slogan, website, program, social media accounts and election signs. The results show that there is a link between language and translation practices, on the one hand, and party ideology, on the other.
This paper investigates whether advocacy coalitions can have much policy influence in Canadian policy processes, where decision-making power tends to be highly centralized in the executive. The question is investigated through a diachronic case study of firearms policy-making that compares policy processes in 1976-77 and 1994-95 using a most-similar logic. Content analysis and social network analysis show that the 1976-77 process involved only a gun rights advocacy coalition, while the 1994-95 process involved both gun rights and gun control advocacy coalitions. Comparative analysis further shows that these advocacy coalitions had difference-making influence in these policy processes, contributing to the adoption of relatively minor gun control reforms in 1977 and major reforms in 1995.
Abstract In this article, we investigate Canada’s shared role in supporting worker safety and responsible fashion and apparel in Bangladesh. Drawing on two case studies, the Rana Plaza factory collapse and the COVID-19 pandemic, we investigate the Government of Canada’s varied response to the impact of these crises on garment workers. To investigate this, and to advance our understanding of Canada’s own role in supporting garment worker safety and agency in responsible fashion and apparel production, we turn to the concept of ‘fashion diplomacy.’ We argue that if Canada hopes to play a leading role in supporting responsible fashion and apparel practices in an ever-changing landscape, it must develop inclusive policy solutions capable of addressing the diverse and at times divergent interests of state and non-state actors both at home and abroad. In doing so, we identify possible strategies for Canada in addressing the new and emerging Indo-Pacific strategic environment.RésuméDans cet article, nous examinons le rôle partagé du Canada dans le soutien de la sécurité des travailleurs et de la mode et des vêtements au Bangladesh. En nous appuyant sur deux études de cas, l'effondrement de l'usine Rana Plaza et la pandémie de COVID-19, nous examinons la réponse variée du gouvernement du Canada à l'impact de ces crises sur ces travailleurs. Pour enquêter cela et pour avancer notre compréhension du rôle du Canada dans le soutien de la sécurité des travailleurs des s et de l'agence dans la production responsable de mode et de vêtements, nous nous tournons vers le concept de « diplomatie de la mode ». Nous soutenons que si le Canada espère jouer un rôle de premier plan dans le soutien des pratiques responsables en matière de mode et des vêtements dans un paysage en constante évolution, il doit élaborer des solutions politiques inclusives qui sont capables de répondre aux intérêts divers et parfois divergents des acteurs étatiques et non étatiques, tant au niveau du pays or de l’état et à l'étranger. Ce faisant, nous identifions des stratégies possibles pour le Canada face au nouvel environnement stratégique émergent de l'Indopacifique.Keywords: Fashion diplomacy, sustainable fashion, labour rights, cultural diplomacy, Canada, BangladeshMots-clés : Diplomatie de la mode, mode durable, droits du travail, diplomatie culturelle, Canada, Bangladesh
As Canada looks to strengthen its presence in Asia, the government’s Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) provides an important framework for guiding grand narratives on policy. Yet the document’s broad language raises questions around its pragmatism and how the strategy can be operationalized. To do so, Canada must work at bringing new ideas, be regionally present, and show solidarity with people of Asia. The government’s work must not digress into a one-way dialogue more concerned with preaching Canadian values and interests. Rather, there is a foreign policy imperative for listening to the diverse voices of regional stakeholders since Canada needs the Indo-Pacific more than the Indo-Pacific needs Canada.
Abstract The Indian Ocean is the historic cross-roads of the world. On most measures—linguistic, religious, political, legal, and economic, among others—its diversity is unparalleled. While the region is home to perhaps the most strategically important state actors in an age of intense superpower rivalry, it is equally home to an astonishing range of nonstate actors whose influence and significance should not be underestimated. Many religious, indigenous, and local nonstate actors and networks have a long pedigree, sometimes dating back centuries. Layered on these legacy organizations are a vast range of contemporary nonstate, transnational regulators active in the region. These actors play an increasingly important but overlooked role in global governance and can be effectively engaged in situations where states are unable or unwilling to act. This article explores how Canada and nonstate actors based in Canada and beyond might engage plurilaterally with nonstate actors in the Indian Ocean region.RésuméL'océan Indien est le carrefour historique du monde. Sur la plupart des mesures - linguistiques, religieuses, politiques, juridiques et économiques, entre autres - sa diversité est sans précédent. Et si la région abrite peut-être les acteurs étatiques les plus importants sur le plan stratégique à une époque d'intense rivalité entre superpuissances, elle abrite également une gamme étonnante d'acteurs non étatiques dont l'influence et l'importance ne doivent pas être sous-estimées. De nombreux acteurs et réseaux non étatiques religieux, autochtones et locaux ont un long pedigree, remontant parfois à des siècles. À ces organisations profondément enracinées s'ajoutent une vaste gamme de régulateurs transnationaux non étatiques contemporains actifs dans la région. Ces acteurs jouent un rôle de plus en plus important mais négligé dans la gouvernance mondiale et peuvent être efficacement engagés dans des situations où les États ne peuvent pas ou ne veulent pas agir. Cet article explore comment le Canada et les acteurs non étatiques basés au Canada et au-delà pourraient s'engager de manière multilatérale avec des acteurs non étatiques dans la région de l'océan Indien.Keywords: nonstate actors; Indian Ocean region/Indo-Pacific; global governance; sovereignty; pluralism; transnational regulation; plurilateral diplomacyMots-clés : acteurs non étatiques; région de l'océan Indien/indo-pacifique; gouvernance globale; souveraineté; pluralisme; régulation transnationales; diplomatie plurilatérale
