This paper studies the distribution of aspiration in Vasconic-Aquitanian onomastics. Although it is unanimously accepted that in this early phase there were no restrictions on aspiration as those in force in post-medieval Basque, that is, only one per word and not beyond the onset of the second syllable, there are indications to think that in fact both restrictions were already beginning to act in some way, and that the relatively few exceptions can be reduced to very precise contexts. As a consequence, some examples of in the Basque area, such as the theonym Lacubegi or the suffix-ges, could be explained as remnants of a previous aspiration lost due to those restrictions.
In the literary epistolary tradition, the senders of literary letters exploited the threat of suicide as a rhetorical tactic in order to convince for their love feelings to the recipients, who were either the people they desired or people in their close family circle who stood in the way of the senders' happiness. First Ovid (1st century) in Heroides, and to a lesser extent the later Alciphron and Philostratus (2nd-3rd century) chose this way in some of their epistles -concerning people and places that echo the past- so that the writers could convince the reader of their feelings and the intensity of those emotions. The aim of this paper is to make an aggregated list of the literary letters, both Latin and Greek, where this phenomenon is observed and in which verbal ways the threat of suicide is expressed and whether the threat is a sincere expression of despair from unrequited love or only a means of manipulation.
This article offers an initial approach to the relationships of harmony and affection among women, focusing on the bonds and support networks they established within Roman society. First, we examine the recurring topos of female enmity. To achieve a critical understanding of it, we incorporate gender perspectives and conflict theory, thereby acknowledging the plurality of relationships, spaces, and experiences of mutual support that women may have developed to navigate conflict situations. Second, we analyze the nature of the ideal of concordia and explore how some women used material culture as a means of self-commemoration and mutual recognition in concordia.
This article examines the figure of Pythodoris, queen of Pontus, through the lens of Strabo's Geography (12.3.29 C 556), situating her within the broader framework of dynastic alliances and imperial strategies implemented by Rome between the first century BCE and the first century CE. By comparing Strabo's testimony with additional literary, epigraphic, and numismatic sources, the study illuminates Pythodoris's active role in securing political stability across the Anatolian region and the Black Sea littoral during a period characterised by tensions between local dynastic powers and Roman authority. The contribution underscores Pythodoris's capacity to position herself within the dialectic between local sovereignty and imperial control, developing an efficacious matrimonial and dynastic policy which, through the unions of her children and grandchildren, ensured an enduring Roman influence in strategically significant areas such as Thrace and the Cimmerian Bosporus. The encomium Strabo devotes to her (<
The importance of the herdsman-messenger in the Rhesus for the question of the authorship and dating of the play has been underestimated. This paper aims at showing that the way in which he is treated by Hector is unlike anything else found in Euripides: no other lower-status character in the extant Euripidean corpus (including fragments) is treated so harshly upon his arrival on stage by an & eacute;lite principal as he is. The generalization made by Hector about the "stupidity" of herdsmen does not correspond to anything seen in Euripides, who is rather more "democratic" in his staging of non-& eacute;lite characters, neither to the way fifth-century Athenian theatre tends to avoid criticism of rural workers. If the play had been performed in front of an audience among which rural inhabitants were present, it is likely that it would have elicited a very negative reaction from this part of the audience. Moreover, the herdsman's internalized selfdeprecation, when he answers that herdsmen are indeed "stupid", is again not found elsewhere in Euripides. The way in which this lower-status character and his interaction with an & eacute;lite principal are staged provide new elements in favour of a probable non-Euripidean authorship of the play.
The story of Coriolanus emphasises the success of an embassy that persuaded Coriolanus to abandon his plan to attack Rome. Tradition often highlights Coriolanus' mother and wife, but Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Plutarch emphasise the decisive role played by Valeria, the sister of P. Valerius Publicola. This version of the story of Coriolanus invites us to question the place of memory construction and the influence of the Valerii on the establishment of a version favourable to the gens.
This paper aims to examine personal onomastics throughout a period of three to four centuries in the Pyrenean region of Cerdanya as part of more general sociocultural changes in the area. It begins with an outline of the main sociocultural changes in the Iberian and Ibero-Roman periods. Next, the epigraphic sources containing personal onomastics are examined and possible names are compiled. After, the onomastic practices in this region are analysed, focusing on the linguistic adscription of personal names and changes and continuity of naming practices under Roman influence. It is concluded that the onomastics in this area are overwhelmingly Iberian, a situation which continues until the Augustan period, when changes can be seen in the Latin inscriptions, accompanying political changes (in relation to Latin rights, the Roman foundation of Julia Libica, Roman systems of local governance, etc.).
In this paper we provide an analysis of the two pictorial plaques from the so-called & laquo;Habitaci & oacute;n de las pinturas & raquo;. The characteristics of the evidence prove that they decorated the room in which they were found. The analysis of the decorative scheme reveals that this pictorial ensemble was part of the regional fashion that spread around the Ebro Valley from the end of the 1st century and especially in the 2nd century A.D., whose main peculiarity is the inclusion of columns without architectural function and the imitation of serpentine marble. In one of the compartments of the plinth a graffito recording a date has been documented, not too far from the floor. It may have been made from a bed, which suggests that this room was a triclinium.
This dossier examines female amicitia in Greco-Roman antiquity with the aim of challenging the historiographical clich & eacute; of inherent enmity between women, and highlighting, instead, their collaborative ties. This prejudice has multiple origins, among which Cicero's work De amicitia is one of the most notable examples, because it has been cited and repeated by numerous authors over the centuries. The arpinate identified as sincere friendships only those in which there were bonds of empathy, sympathy and utility; but, in his view, those bonds could only be established between men of the elites. However, based on an analysis of the sources, the articles in this volume argue that women in antiquity established friendships of varying degrees, both among themselves and with men, and with different objectives, in which one or more of these bonds can be seen, albeit adapted to their own needs and social constraints. This publication invites to reconsider female friendship as a complex, diverse phenomenon that is fundamental to understanding social interaction in the ancient world.
Starting from the perspective of the structures of poetic genres, and how the poet Ovid (43 BC-17/18 AD) explores diverse effects of tradition, transgression and expansion of these structures, this research seeks to analyse rivers by comparing their representations at different moments in Ovid's work. In it, rivers can perform various functions, as patches of scenery, entries in catalogues, or even as characters and narrators, although, in general, they are regulated by the code required by the poetic genre. Thus, we find in Amores 3.6 a river in the mode of erotic elegy, in which the watercourse is established as the cause of separation between lover and beloved and, consequently, as the cause of lament. In the Metamorphoses, whether in the extensive catalogue of Book 2 or in the autodiegetic episode of Achelous between Books 8 and 9, rivers are used in epic modulation: they are adventurous and challenging environments, which can fight, speak and metamorphose. In Tristia, it is the Danube River's turn to figure prominently, functioning as a river opposite to the expected nature of rivers and as a metaphor for the inert and desolate state of the poetic persona of the exilic elegy. An ecocritical reading is also added to the comparison of formal criteria, which, in synchrony with the structural perspective of genres, can offer new layers of understanding of these passages, as well as deepen discussions, still incipient, about the conceptions and uses of natural (or non-human) elements in classical Latin poetry and their possible effects in the present day.
This work aims to underline some relevant features of emotion and closeness, which allow us to foretaste Jerome's relationship between equals with devout aristocrats, in particular with Marcella, with whom he maintained an intense correspondence, incardinating them with the certain evolution of the concept of friendship that occurs in Western Christianity. The author, known for his misogyny and his relentless attacks on enemies and rivals, confirms the patterns of the letters between equals. The first section deals with general questions about the concept of friendship between equals and how Christian authors use more than the "classics' to disseminate models of collaboration with women, usually from the aristocracy and/or relatives of the early Church Fathers. Secondly, a series of elements of self-praise are pointed out, alternating with others of humiliation addressed to female friends and disciples such as Marcella, Paula and Eustochium. For this purpose, the prologues of biblical commentaries he dedicates to them also serve to assess the real collaboration between men and women in late antiquity Christianity. Finally, the diffusion of this model of friendship between the two sexes is confirmed in the reproduction of some of these formulas intended for Marcella, e. g. in the letter that Gisela and Rodtrud addressed to Alcuin of York and in the Problemata of Heloise, in a letter of Peter Abelard, as well as in the treatise Mystica Ciudad de Dios by Maria Jesus of Agreda.
This paper analyses the multiple forms of female collaboration in the de-fence of cities recorded in Greco-Roman literature. The textual corpus to be worked on comprises historical episodes spanning mainly from the 3rd century BC to the 3rd cen-tury AD, originating from different regions of the Roman orbit, with the aim of offering a broader view of the phenomenon. These texts especially highlight the active role of matrons in this task and the initiatives they developed collectively to safeguard the continuity of their cities. The study aims to emphasize their essential role in the public sphere, focusing on the expression of female patriotism.
In this paper, we propose to present a new reading and translation of a fragmentary Latin inscription from Merida, which contains a first part in prose and a second part in smaller letters as a carmen. Although the preserved letters are elegant and relatively easy to read, the difficulty lies in resolving the various gaps. Through careful observation of the letters, we believe we can offer a new reading, which is not definitive but more in line with reality.
In Lysistrata, Aristophanes addresses the theme of peace-also present in other comedies-by foregrounding the female sphere. Tired of the suffering that war inflicts on their families, the women, led by the protagonist, decide to take collective action. The comedy plays on familiar stereotypes of female flaws, particularly their supposed obsession with sex, but it also highlights a defining trait of women: their spirit of solidarity. In contrast to male individualism, the women engage in a shared project, convinced that success depends on unified effort, regardless of age, class, or origin. With this in mind, the article explores several dimensions. First, it examines how traditional gender roles are portrayed through the treatment of the main characters and the domestic consequences of their decision. Second, it emphasizes the collaborative spirit of the women-a central theme in the play and a recurring motif in the Greek imaginary.
This paper presents a preliminary edition and study of a Celtiberian bronze inscription written in the Latin alphabet. The object became known under the name & laquo;Bronze of Medit & oacute;n>> on the basis of a poor-quality photograph published online. The present work improves the previously published reading of the inscription at several important points. The question of its authenticity is briefly addressed, after which we move on to a general interpretation of the epigraph, without dwelling on detailed explanations, which are reserved for a future complete edition and study. The text records a pact of hospitality between an individual and a city, whereby the latter (the Carpetanian Igedankom, later Roman Complutum) grants civic rights to a Termestine (from Tarmeskom, present-day Tiermes in Soria) named Medittos. The decision of the city is carried out by certain & laquo;magistrates>> or & laquo;curators>> mentioned at the end of the inscription. This interpretation is based on treating the form Medittu in the first line of the bronze as an oblique case of the name Medittos, and therefore as the beneficiary of the action, with the implications this entails for the analysis of other forms. In sum, this is a Celtiberian epigraph of great importance owing to the length of the text (nine lines with thirty-two words, plus one abbreviation), its relatively good state of preservation, the use of the Latin alphabet -which secures the phonetic interpretation of a considerable number of words- the advanced stage of the language, and the presence of certain grammatical forms and categories hitherto unknown.
The present study aims to provide a thorough analysis of the graffiti identified within and in the surroundings of the church of the monastic complex of Saint Kyriakos at Oxyrhynchus, Egypt. A heterogeneous corpus of epigraphic evidence is examined, counting lists of personal names and commemorative texts. These texts provide valuable insights into writing and cultic practices within this religious institution in the Byzantine phase. Particular attention is devoted to the analysis of writing techniques and the tools selected for the production of these graffiti, as well as to the identification of their potential authors, suggesting the active participation of members of the monastic community as well as devotees visiting the religious complex. In addition, the study examines some examples of multigraphic graffiti, in which textual and figurative elements are combined, among which are Christian religious markers and motifs recurrent in the Egyptian iconographic tradition.
The decurions, who were hierarchically placed above the troops and just below the equestrian officers, have hardly been the subject of specific studies due to their low presence in the available sources. As a result, there are gaps in many areas, including those related to the scope of their functions and their ability to assume extraordinary commands. To deal with these questions, we have made combined use of epigraphy from the Mauretaniae, where there was no legionary garrison, and from Africa Proconsularis-Numidia, where the auxilia coexisted with the legio III Augusta. The result is a rich geographical framework which, firstly, allows us to examine in depth how these NCOs contributed to the control and improvement of different parts of the borders. Secondly, it helps to grasp how these military men had the capacity to collaborate in the officia. Additionally, it provides the right conditions to explore whether the competencies of the decurio rank could be affected by the presence or not of legionary units. Finally, it should be noted that comparisons with the centurions of legio III Augusta have been fundamental in supporting the view that, in this region, the decurions behaved as representatives of the state.
During the excavations at the forum of Los Ba & ntilde;ales de Uncastillo, an important sculptural program was discovered in the southern area of the complex. This paper studies some sculptural fragments belonging to a colossal representation that was located in the city's forum. The size of the sculpture contrasts with the small size of the forum at Los Ba & ntilde;ales, which did not prevent the display of a statue of these dimensions. This new example of colossal sculpture in medium and small-sized communities shows us that these representations were not exclusive to the large cities in Hispania.
This paper is the result of a first (critical) approach to the diffusion and legal transmission of Roman onomastics among the peregrine and Latin populations of Sicily during the Republican period. Devised from a well-defined historical and methodological standpoint, it specifically examines the practice of granting Roman citizenship to individuals of indigenous, Greek, Italian, and Punic extraction living on the island. The aim is to determine and evaluate several methodological problems, premises, and constraints to assess the use of Roman personal nomenclature as a reliable tool for historical analysis in order to identify, with a reasonable degree of certainty, potential Roman citizens referenced in the sources and resulting from possible individual grants of Roman citizenship.
The presence of onomastics of Basque origin in Aquitaine has been proven since the end of the 19th century by a large number of personal and divine names, but only in recent decades has the Basque territory south of the Pyrenees provided onomastic material related to the Basque language. Together with personal names, such as those attested in the Lerga inscription, there is a small group of names of divinity, located in the central and western part of Navarre, which present lexical, graphic-phonetic and morphological characteristics similar to those known in Aquitaine and which can be related to the Basque language. In this article, two recently discovered votive altars (Zaldua 2022) are published. Both are dedicated to two Basque divinities which were already previously known: Larahi and Losae (in their attested forms), and come from two places in the Salado river basin not far from each other: Riezu/Errezu and Anitz, Lerate, respectively. Although the theonyms are clearly legible, the names of the dedicators have been damaged, so they have been restored taking into account the textual circumstances of the inscription as well as the onomastic parallels compatible with the preserved remains: Agustina or Augustina is proposed as the dedicator of the altar from Riezu, and either Paenius,-a, or Dafnus,-e, is proposed for the dedicator of the altar from Anitz. Unlike the majority of Basque divinities whose epigraphic documentation is limited to one place, these two divinities are the ones with the greatest geographical expansion. This leads us to reflect on the regional and not strictly local nature of their cult, now reinforced by the discovery of a new testimony of Larahe in Larunbe (Agirre-Maule & oacute;n (ed.) 2024). The graphic varieties of the theonym are analysed linguistically, with regard to the double representation of the rhotics (r/rr) and the alternation in the ending (-he /-hi). Finally, the differences in gender and social background of the dedicators, from Roman citizens to slaves, suggests a broad functionality of these divinities.
