This article explores patterns of agreement and word order in the Central Algonquian language Border Lakes Ojibwe. This variety of Ojibwe shows alternations between VOS and VSO word orders and complex interactions between probes on Voice, Infl, and C. I show that the behaviour of lower probes feeds and bleeds the possible agreement and movement relations on each subsequent probe. These complex interactions culminate with the peripheral agreement marker on C, which shows a curious pattern that I dub reverse omnivority, where the probe agrees with lower ranked arguments over higher ranked arguments regardless of whether it is a logical subject or object. The core theoretical innovation is an extension of the syntactic operation agree to encode a relativized EPP, which captures variation and restrictions on movement and the possibility of movement and feature copying being independent. The account provides a strong case for Ojibwe as a configurational language, and is shown to capture variation in agreement and word order in various corners of Ojibwe and beyond. Cet article examine les sch & eacute;mas d'accord et d'ordre des mots dans l'ojibw & eacute; des lacs frontaliers, une langue algonquienne centrale. Cette vari & eacute;t & eacute; de l'ojibw & eacute; pr & eacute;sente des alternances entre les ordres VOS et VSO, ainsi que des interactions complexes entre les sondes situ & eacute;es sur Voice, Infl et C. Je montre que le comportement des sondes inf & eacute;rieures alimente et influence les relations possibles d'accord et de d & eacute;placement pour chaque sonde subs & eacute;quente. Ces interactions complexes culminent avec le marqueur d'accord p & eacute;riph & eacute;rique sur C, qui pr & eacute;sente un sch & eacute;ma singulier que je qualifie d'omnivorit & eacute; invers & eacute;e, dans lequel la sonde s'accorde avec des arguments de rang inf & eacute;rieur plut & ocirc;t qu'avec des arguments de rang sup & eacute;rieur, ind & eacute;pendamment de leur statut logique de sujet ou d'objet. L'innovation th & eacute;orique centrale consiste en une extension de l'op & eacute;ration syntaxique agree visant & agrave; encoder un EPP relativis & eacute;, ce qui permet de rendre compte de la variation et des restrictions sur le d & eacute;placement, ainsi que de la possibilit & eacute; que le d & eacute;placement et la copie de traits soient ind & eacute;pendants. L'analyse fournit un argument solide en faveur d'une analyse configurationnelle de l'ojibw & eacute; et permet de rendre compte de la variation de l'accord et de l'ordre des mots dans diff & eacute;rents domaines de l'ojibw & eacute; et au-del & agrave;.
This paper is a study of may in two sentence types, namely the closed question and the optative. Using corpus data, I try to answer the question of whether the typical English modal verb may drops its classic deontic meaning of permission (as observed in closed questions) when used in optative sentences expressing prayers or wishes within Culioli's enunciative framework. My hypothesis is that may remains an indicator of compatibility, the key enunciative parameter altering the interpretation of the sentences being the attitude of the speaker. In an interrogative, the questioner lets the answerer be the judge of what is being asked, while in an optative, the speaker asserts the beneficial nature of the prayer, leaving the realization to circumstances. Textual evidence is provided to illustrate different types of speaker engagement.
The left periphery is commonly taken to be the locus of information-structural properties of utterances, hosting the topic and focus field, with the elements occupying left-peripheral positions being endowed with [Topic] and [Focus] features. In this article I show that not all constructions formed in the left periphery have information-structural characteristics of topics and foci, and propose that the relationship between the left periphery and the extended projection of the verb should be re-evaluated. I first explore the left periphery in two typologically distinct languages, Wolof (West Atlantic, Senegal) and Igala (Yoruboid, Nigeria), and show that constructions with topics and A'-extracted elements in the two languages share some typical properties of such structures cross-linguistically. I then turn to clauses with nominal predicates in the two languages, and show that they are formed in the left periphery, with the predicate moving to the syntactic position otherwise reserved for A'-extracted exhaustified elements, and the subject occupying the position of the topic. Crucially, clauses with nominal predicates do not exhibit the information-structural properties otherwise associated with the two left-peripheral positions, meaning that endowing those positions with features such as [Topic] and [Focus] does not yield adequate empirical coverage. However, both positions exhibit formal syntactic properties of left-peripheral elements. I do not propose a new analysis in this article, but lay out the issues which an analysis of the left periphery should capture, and propose avenues for further research. La p & eacute;riph & eacute;rie gauche est g & eacute;n & eacute;ralement consid & eacute;r & eacute;e comme le lieu des propri & eacute;t & eacute;s informationnelles et structurelles des & eacute;nonc & eacute;s, h & eacute;bergeant le champ th & eacute;matique et le champ focal, les & eacute;l & eacute;ments occupant les positions p & eacute;riph & eacute;riques gauches & eacute;tant dot & eacute;s des caract & eacute;ristiques [Topic] et [Focus]. Dans cet article, je montre que les constructions form & eacute;es dans la p & eacute;riph & eacute;rie gauche ne pr & eacute;sentent pas toutes les caract & eacute;ristiques informationnelles et structurelles des propri & eacute;t & eacute;s [Topic] et [Focus], et je propose de r & eacute;& eacute;valuer la relation entre la p & eacute;riph & eacute;rie gauche et la projection & eacute;tendue du verbe. J'explore d'abord la p & eacute;riph & eacute;rie gauche dans deux langues typologiquement distinctes, le wolof (Atlantique occidental, S & eacute;n & eacute;gal) et l'igala (yorubo & iuml;de, Nig & eacute;rie), et je montre que les constructions avec des th & egrave;mes et des & eacute;l & eacute;ments extraits en A' dans les deux langues partagent certaines propri & eacute;t & eacute;s typiques de ces structures d'un point de vue interlinguistique. Je me tourne ensuite vers les clauses avec des pr & eacute;dicats nominaux dans les deux langues, et montre qu'elles sont form & eacute;es dans la p & eacute;riph & eacute;rie gauche : le pr & eacute;dicat se d & eacute;pla & ccedil;ant vers la position syntaxique autrement r & eacute;serv & eacute;e aux & eacute;l & eacute;ments & eacute;puis & eacute;s extraits de A', et le sujet occupant la position du sujet. Il est essentiel de noter que les clauses avec des pr & eacute;dicats nominaux ne pr & eacute;sentent pas les propri & eacute;t & eacute;s informationnelles associ & eacute;es aux deux positions p & eacute;riph & eacute;riques gauches, ce qui signifie que doter ces positions de caract & eacute;ristiques telles que [Topic] et [Focus] ne permet pas d'obtenir une couverture empirique ad & eacute;quate. Cependant, les deux positions pr & eacute;sentent les propri & eacute;t & eacute;s syntaxiques formelles des & eacute;l & eacute;ments p & eacute;riph & eacute;riques gauches. Je ne propose pas une nouvelle analyse dans cet article, mais j'expose les questions qu'une analyse de la p & eacute;riph & eacute;rie gauche devrait aborder et je propose des pistes pour des recherches futures.
This article studies the commissive use of can in conditionals such as I can do the dishes, if you like. Its main goal is to spell out the semantic building blocks of what we call offer-can, arguing that the seemingly speech act interpretation is a feature of the conditional statement as a whole rather than the modal itself. To achieve this, we disentangle authority and ability at the semantic level (in agreement with Copley 2009), and single out the notions of "issue to be solved" and "preferred solution worlds" as epistemic basis and bouletic ordering, respectively, for modal quantification. We propose a comparison between the conditional offer and other non-conditional conditionals, and offer some thoughts regarding permission-can and can-you-pass-me-the-salt questions, arguing for authority shift in questions, in a way akin to the interrogative flip in questions with evidentials and epistemic modals. Cet article & eacute;tudie l'empoi commisif de can dans les conditionnels tels que I can do the dishes, if you like (Je peux faire la vaisselle, si tu veux). Son objectif principal est d'expliciter les & eacute;l & eacute;ments s & eacute;mantiques de ce que nous appelons offer-can, en soutenant que l'interpr & eacute;tation apparente comme speech act est une caract & eacute;ristique de l'& eacute;nonc & eacute; conditionnel dans son ensemble plut & ocirc;t que du modal lui-m & ecirc;me. Pour ce faire, nous d & eacute;m & ecirc;lons l'autorit & eacute; et la capacit & eacute; au niveau s & eacute;mantique (en accord avec Copley 2009), et isolons, pour la quantification modale, les notions de "probl & egrave;me & agrave; r & eacute;soudre" et de "mondes de solution pr & eacute;f & eacute;r & eacute;e" comme base & eacute;pist & eacute;mique et ordre bouletique respectivement. Nous proposons une comparaison entre l'offre conditionnelle et d'autres conditionnels-non-conditionnels, et offrons quelques r & eacute;flexions concernant can de permission et les questions can-you-pass-me-the-salt, en argumentant pour un d & eacute;placement de l'autorit & eacute; dans les questions, & agrave; l'instar des questions avec les modaux & eacute;pist & eacute;miques et les & eacute;videntiels.
This study examines the linguistic dissidence of Michif French, an endangered variety of Laurentian French spoken by a declining number of M & eacute;tis people in Western Canada. The analysis focuses on the use of consequence markers (& ccedil;a) fait (que), donc, alors, and so in a corpus of approximately fifty interviews collected within the M & eacute;tis community of Saint-Laurent, Manitoba, in the 1980s. Internal findings support the hypothesis of a linguistic kinship with other varieties of Laurentian French. At the same time, external data reveal a clear dominance of the variant (& ccedil;a) fait (que), thereby reinforcing the highly vernacular character of Michif French in comparison with other Laurentian French varieties. Finally, the analysis of interview excerpts shows that the sustained use of vernacular variants plays a crucial role as an identity marker, enabling speakers to assert both their cultural belonging and a linguistic variety they perceive as distinct from that of other Francophones.
This article discusses the syntactic analysis of V3 patterns in a V2 language in relation to the articulated left periphery familiar from work in the cartographic tradition. V3 patterns in Dutch or in German have been analysed as involving a regular V2 pattern with an initial sentence external constituent. This type of analysis has been invoked, for instance, for CLD patterns in Dutch. This article shows how one distinctive V3 pattern in the Ghent variety of Dutch provides support for a fine-grained structure of the left periphery. In this pattern, an initial adverbial adjunct is followed by an invariant die which is itself followed by the finite verb. We provide evidence that this pattern must not be equated with adverbial CLD in Dutch or the Ghent variety. We show that the constituent preceding die is not main clause-external. Invariant die is analysed as the spell out of a featurally enriched left peripheral head, more specifically an instantiation of a D-enriched Force encoding discourse anchoring. Cet article traite de l'analyse syntaxique des sch & eacute;mas V3 dans une langue V2 en relation avec les structures p & eacute;riph & eacute;riques gauches articul & eacute;es qui sont famili & egrave;res aux travaux de la tradition cartographique. Les sch & eacute;mas V3 en n & eacute;erlandais ou en allemand ont & eacute;t & eacute; analys & eacute;s comme impliquant un sch & eacute;ma V2 r & eacute;gulier avec un constituant externe de phrase initiale. Ce type d'analyse a & eacute;t & eacute; invoqu & eacute;, par exemple, pour les sch & eacute;mas CLD en n & eacute;erlandais. Cet article montre comment un mod & egrave;le V3 distinctif dans la vari & eacute;t & eacute; gantoise du n & eacute;erlandais apporte un soutien & agrave; une structure fine de la p & eacute;riph & eacute;rie gauche. Dans ce mod & egrave;le V3, un adjuvant adverbial initial est suivi d'un formatif invariable die qui est lui-m & ecirc;me suivi par le verbe fini. Nous d & eacute;montrons que ce mod & egrave;le ne doit pas & ecirc;tre assimil & eacute; au CLD adverbial dans le n & eacute;erlandais ou dans la vari & eacute;t & eacute; gantoise. Nous montrons que le constituant pr & eacute;c & eacute;dant die n'est pas externe & agrave; la clause principale. L'invariant die est analys & eacute; comme le spellout d'une t & ecirc;te de la p & eacute;ripherie gauche enrichie sur le plan des traits, plus pr & eacute;cis & eacute;ment comme une instanciation de Force enrichie en D, codant l'ancrage discursif.
This paper provides a novel description and syntactic analysis of different types of quantifiers in Chuj, an underdocumented Mayan language. We focus on a subset of expressions that quantify over entities, and that have been noted to appear obligatorily in sentence-initial position. We argue that three types of quantifiers should be distinguished: (i) Predicative A-quantifiers, which occur sentence-initially because Chuj is a predicate-initial language; (ii) Focus D-quantifiers, which occur sentence-initially because they are lexically specified for an [A$'$] feature; and (iii) Basic D-quantifiers, which, lacking an [A$'$] feature, have no effects on the syntactic position of their host arguments. We also sketch syntactic analyses of each type of quantifier. Cet article propose une description et une analyse syntaxique de diff & eacute;rents types de quantificateurs en chuj, une langue maya sous-document & eacute;e. Nous nous concentrons sur un sous-ensemble de quantificateurs qui apparaissent syst & eacute;matiquement en position initiale de la phrase. Nous soutenons qu'il convient d'en distinguer trois types : (i) les quantificateurs pr & eacute;dicatifs, qui apparaissent en position initiale parce que le chuj est une langue & agrave; pr & eacute;dicat initial ; (ii) les d & eacute;terminants quantificationnels d'emphase, qui occupent cette position parce qu'ils portent un trait [A$'$] ; et (iii) les d & eacute;terminants quantificationnels de base, qui, ne portant pas de trait [A$'$], n'affectent pas la position syntaxique de leurs arguments. Nous proposons & eacute;galement des analyses syntaxiques pour chaque type de quantificateur.
This article discusses the grammatical role played by the interpretation of an action as either intentional or accidental. It focuses on two grammatical restrictions that exhibit sensitivity to such interpretation. The first concerns so-called subject obviation, whereby, in many European languages, the subject of the subjunctive clause cannot refer to the same individual as the subject of the matrix clause. For the purpose of this article, an important property of subject obviation is that it is weakened in the case of accidental actions. The second restriction pertains to an aspectual restriction in negative imperatives and desire statements in Slavic, which disallows the perfective aspect in these constructions. As is the case with subject obviation, the aspectual restriction in Slavic is lifted when the action is interpreted as accidental. This article argues for a unified semantic-pragmatic account of the weakening of subject obviation and aspectual restriction. It also shows that this weakening of obviation and of aspectual restriction is part of a larger picture where the interpretation of an action as intentional versus accidental plays a central role. Cet article examine le r & ocirc;le grammatical de l'interpr & eacute;tation d'une action comme intentionnelle ou accidentelle. Il porte sur deux restrictions grammaticales sensibles & agrave; cette distinction. La premi & egrave;re concerne ce que l'on appelle l'obviation du sujet, selon laquelle, dans de nombreuses langues europ & eacute;ennes, le sujet de la proposition subjonctive ne peut pas d & eacute;signer le m & ecirc;me individu que celui de la proposition matricielle. Dans le cadre de cet article, une propri & eacute;t & eacute; importante de l'obviation du sujet est son affaiblissement dans le cas d'actions accidentelles. La seconde restriction porte sur une contrainte aspectuelle dans les imp & eacute;ratifs n & eacute;gatifs et les & eacute;nonc & eacute;s de d & eacute;sir en slave, qui interdit l'aspect perfectif dans ces constructions. Comme pour l'obviation du sujet, cette contrainte aspectuelle est lev & eacute;e lorsque l'action est interpr & eacute;t & eacute;e comme accidentelle. Cet article avance une explication s & eacute;mantico-pragmatique qui unifie l'affaiblissement de l'obviation du sujet et la restriction aspectuelle, et montre que ce ph & eacute;nom & egrave;ne s'inscrit dans une optique plus g & eacute;n & eacute;rale, o & ugrave; l'interpr & eacute;tation d'une action comme intentionnelle ou accidentelle occupe une place centrale.
This squib brings attention to a longstanding puzzle regarding the mechanism driving the strong polarity effect on future temporal reference in French. Our study presents new findings from two corpora of Parisian French, where negative contexts with n-words significantly favour the usage of synthetic future compared to contexts with the negative marker pas, in contrast to Laurentian French, where synthetic future is predominantly used in all negative contexts. We suggest that these differences pattern with another variation phenomenon, negative concord, and that the solution to the puzzles lies in the syntactic and semantic properties of negative expressions. Cette notule porte sur une question qui se pose depuis longtemps sur le m & eacute;canisme derri & egrave;re l'effet de polarit & eacute; sur la variation du futur en fran & ccedil;ais. Notre & eacute;tude pr & eacute;sente de nouveaux r & eacute;sultats issus de deux corpus du fran & ccedil;ais parisien, montrant que les contextes n & eacute;gatifs avec des mots-N favorisent significativement l'utilisation du futur synth & eacute;tique par rapport aux contextes avec le marqueur n & eacute;gatif par d & eacute;faut pas, contrairement au fran & ccedil;ais laurentien, o & ugrave; le futur synth & eacute;tique est favoris & eacute; dans tous les contextes n & eacute;gatifs. Nous sugg & eacute;rons que ces diff & eacute;rences sont li & eacute;es & agrave; un autre ph & eacute;nom & egrave;ne de variation, la concordance n & eacute;gative, et que la solution & agrave; ces & eacute;nigmes r & eacute;side dans une analyse des propri & eacute;t & eacute;s syntaxiques et s & eacute;mantiques des expressions n & eacute;gatives.
This article argues that post-syntactic feature insertion is insufficiently motivated at present and should therefore not yet be accepted as a morphological process within the theory of Distributed Morphology. Post-syntactic feature insertion has been proposed for Nimboran verbal morphology (Noyer 1998), Kiowa agreement prefixes (Harbour 2003a), Le & iacute;sta Spanish doubled clitics (Nevins 2007), and Romanian gender agreement (Farkas 1990). I show that these datasets can be analysed without invoking post-syntactic feature insertion, and discuss what a dataset would have to look like to motivate it. Such a dataset would have a number of parallel circumstances, each with a true elsewhere exponent and a specific environment in which another exponent behaved like an elsewhere one, exponing two feature bundles that are the polar inverse of each other. A theory of morphology that does not allow for post-syntactic feature insertion predicts such data to be impossible. Cet article soutient que l'insertion de traits post-syntaxiques n'est pas suffisamment motiv & eacute;e, et qu'elle ne devrait donc pas encore & ecirc;tre accept & eacute;e comme un processus morphologique dans le cadre de la th & eacute;orie de la morphologie distribu & eacute;e. L'insertion de traits post-syntaxiques a & eacute;t & eacute; propos & eacute;e pour la morphologie verbale en nimboran (Noyer 1998), pour les pr & eacute;fixes d'accord en kiowa (Harbour 2003a), pour les clitiques doubl & eacute;s en espagnol le & iacute;sta (Nevins 2007) et pour l'accord de genre en roumain (Farkas 1990). Je montre que ces ensembles de donn & eacute;es peuvent & ecirc;tre analys & eacute;s sans invoquer l'insertion de traits post-syntaxiques, et je discute des caract & eacute;ristiques n & eacute;cessaires & agrave; un ensemble de donn & eacute;es pour pouvoir le motiver. Un tel ensemble de donn & eacute;es contiendrait un certain nombre de circonstances parall & egrave;les, chacune incluant un v & eacute;ritable exposant d'ailleurs et un environnement sp & eacute;cifique dans lequel un autre exposant se comporterait comme un exposant d'ailleurs, exposant deux ensembles de caract & eacute;ristiques qui sont l'inverse polaire l'un de l'autre. Une th & eacute;orie de la morphologie qui ne permet pas l'insertion de traits post-syntaxiques pr & eacute;dit que de telles donn & eacute;es sont impossibles.
Verb doubling constructions in Mandarin such as CHI, wo (shi) chi le 'As for eating, I (did) eat', where the first verb is stressed, are perceived as incomplete if not followed by a continuing clause, but only when the copula shi is present do these constructions require a contrastive continuation marked by the coordinator keshi or buguo 'but'. This article addresses these two puzzles by (i) analyzing verb doubling constructions as contrastive topic constructions where the initial stressed verb is a contrastive topic triggering a set of polar questions, and (ii) taking the copula shi to be a marker associated with contrastive topic. In particular, shi in a verb doubling construction presupposes that (a) there is at least one polar question Q which is an alternative of the current question under discussion, CQ, and entails CQ, and (b) Q has a negative answer. It is shown how the proposal accounts for the puzzles, and how it can be extended to VP doubling and object preposing constructions, both of which demonstrate similar incompleteness effects. Dans les constructions & agrave; doublement du verbe en Mandarin, comme CHI, wo (shi) chi le 'Quant & agrave; manger, j'ai mang & eacute;', le premier verbe est stress & eacute;. De plus, quand le copule shi est pr & eacute;sent, on demande une continuation contrastive marqu & eacute;e par le coordinateur keshi ou buguo 'mais' suivant la construction, sinon la construction est per & ccedil;ue comme incompl & egrave;te. Cet article se focalise sur ces deux questions par (i) l'analyse de la construction & agrave; doublement du verbe comme construction du topic dans laquelle le premier verbe stress & eacute; est un topique contrastif qui implique un ensemble de questions polaires, et par (ii) l'analyse du copule shi comme le marqueur associ & eacute; au topique contrastif. En particulier, shi dans la construction & agrave; doublement du verbe implique les deux pr & eacute;suppositions suivantes : (a) il y a au moins une question polaire Q qui est une alternative pour la question en discussion CQ et qui entraine CQ; et (b) Q implique une r & eacute;ponse n & eacute;gative. L'article d & eacute;montre comment cette analyse r & eacute;soud les deux questions, et comment elle peut & ecirc;tre appliqu & eacute;e & agrave; la construction & agrave; doublement du VP et & agrave; la construction & agrave; l'objet pr & eacute;pos & eacute; o & ugrave; l'on observe aussi l'effet de l'incompl & eacute;tude.
This article proposes a characterization of the linguistic phenomenon of distancing, which allows the speaker to disengage from an initial discursive content, based on an examination of a number of constitutive properties. We will use three contemporary French discourse markers based on the verb dire: c'est vite dit, c'est beaucoup dire, c'est toi qui le dis. We are convinced that a parallel study of, on the one hand, the specific features that distinguish a discourse relation and, on the other, of the semantic-pragmatic functioning of discourse markers will shed fruitful light on the issue.
The E(xtended) P(rojection) P(rinciple) (specifically, in its guise as a movement-triggering feature in designated syntactic heads), has been a thorn in the Minimalist side since the mid-1990s. Recently, in the context of attempts to reduce syntactic mechanisms to their minimal expression, the generative operation Merge has been defined as unordered set formation (“Simplest Merge”), and the EPP has been pronounced dead in favour of conditions over labelling which force phrasal movement in order to dissolve ‘symmetry points’. This article compares several theoretical analyses and shows that very simple cases of {XP, YP} copular constructions in Spanish satisfy all requirements for labelling without the need to resort to Internal Merge (IM). Therefore, if there is IM of a DP it must be motivated by reasons other than labelling. Once such a reason exists, the elimination of EPP on labelling grounds becomes dubious.
This study investigates linguistic change in relation to temporal reference to the future in 21st-century Quebec French in data from the Corpus de francais parle au Quebec (CFPQ), covering the period 2006-2019. Three variants are analyzed: the present future tense (PDF), the future inflected tense (FF) and the future periphrastic tense (FP). Although several previously identified constraints play a similar role in variation (e.g., polarity, presence of temporal adverbial locutions), the present study shows the highest rates of PDF in Quebec French among the previous studies consulted. According to an apparent-time interpretation, there is an increase in PDF in affirmative and negative contexts that is not attributable to a lexical effect. This result suggests that PDF plays an important role in the ongoing shift away from temporal reference to the future in Quebec French.
This article provides the first formal account of empirical generalizations concerning the adaptation of Japanese vowels in Truku, an Austronesian language spoken in Taiwan. It is shown that while most Truku native markedness constraints are respected in loanword adaptation, two of the language's markedness constraints are sacrificed to satisfy loanword-sensitive faithfulness constraints and one is blocked only in unaffixed loanwords, exhibiting a derived environment effect. Other than native phonology, perceptual saliency is also shown to play a role in loanword adaptation, as evidenced by the different adaptation behaviors between voiced and voiceless vowels and between peripheral and mid vowels. The fact that both perception and native phonology play roles in vowel adaptation in Truku loanwords thus supports the Perception-Phonology Approach of loanword adaptation, a perception-oriented theory that involves the native phonology.
This article investigates the observation that the object of obligatorily transitive verbs in Jordanian Arabic cannot drop in VSO clauses but can in SVO clauses as long as its referent is already mentioned in the previous discourse of an accompanying utterance. When object drop takes place, the subject of the accompanying clause should be a [+definite] or [+specific] element. This article provides an account of this generalization, based on the topic nature of the subject and the object, their structural positions in the high and low peripheries and the effect of relativized minimality in ruling out movement of one over the other.
The late-acquired French subjunctive–indicative contrast conveys important information about event realization and is characterized by bound morphology, form ambiguity, contextual restrictedness, and the infrequency of the subjunctive. This study contributes underrepresented adverbial-clause interpretation data and incorporates lexical effects to extend what is known about why French mood is late-acquired. We assess interpretation of four adverbial conjunctions which primarily co-occur with subjunctive or indicative mood in corpus searches. Analysis of 77 participants revealed a statistically significant interaction between mood and proficiency, with more proficient learners affected by mood, whereas clause order influenced less proficient learners. Moreover, lower-proficiency learners treated adverbs within a particular class of co-occurrence more similarly across the 32 items than our advanced learners or native speakers, who were sensitive to lexical effects, attributable to the roles of frequency and semantics. The study contributes to the growing body of research on late-acquired structures, for which learners attend to evolving cues across acquisitional trajectories.
Non-word repetition (NWR) is often utilized for the assessment of phonological short-term memory (PSTM) and as a clinical marker for language-related disorders. In this study, associations between children's language competence and their performance in language-specific NWR tasks as well as the relevance of NWR for the prediction of language development were scrutinized. German preschoolers ( N = 1,801) were compared regarding their performance in NWR, German vocabulary, and articulation. For 141 children, results of a school enrolment test were available. Multilingual children performed as well as monolingual German-speaking children in NWR only under the condition of comparable German language skills. NWR performance depended on item length, children's vocabulary and articulation skills and was weakly associated with language-related medical issues. The predictive power of NWR for children's performance in the school enrolment test was minimal. To conclude, chosen German-based NWR tasks did not deliver convincing results as a clinical marker or predictor of language development.
This article investigates speakers' attitudes towards the use of anglicisms in Quebec French, particularly verbs. The common practice in Quebec French is to morphologically integrate these anglicisms into the French language (e.g., il m'a ghost & eacute;). However, in recent years, some French-speaking Quebecers have been using the unintegrated forms (e.g., il m'a ghost). This change of practice for the use of English-origin verbs is a linguistic innovation that is emerging from young French speakers in the Montreal area (M-E Bouchard 2023a). To investigate attitudes towards the use of anglicisms (integrated and non-integrated forms), 675 French-speaking Quebecers were asked the following open-ended question: Do you have anything to say about the use of anglicisms in Quebec French? The current study consists of a qualitative analysis of the participants' answers to this specific question. This study has found evidence of linguistic hierarchies between the use of anglicisms that are morphologically integrated and those that are not. The anglicisms that are not morphologically integrated into the French language are perceived by many participants as incorrect and as challenging communication and understanding between users and non-users of the unintegrated forms. Participants associate the use of the unintegrated forms with young people. Cet article porte sur les attitudes des locuteurs & agrave; l'& eacute;gard de l'utilisation d'anglicismes en fran & ccedil;ais qu & eacute;b & eacute;cois, en particulier les verbes. La pratique courante en fran & ccedil;ais qu & eacute;b & eacute;cois est d'int & eacute;grer morphologiquement les anglicismes dans la langue fran & ccedil;aise (par exemple, il m'a ghost & eacute;). Cependant, depuis quelques ann & eacute;es, certains Qu & eacute;b & eacute;cois francophones utilisent des formes non int & eacute;gr & eacute;es (par exemple, il m'a ghost). Ce changement de pratique dans l'utilisation des verbes d'origine anglaise est une innovation linguistique qui & eacute;merge chez les jeunes francophones de la r & eacute;gion de Montr & eacute;al (M-E Bouchard 2023a). Pour & eacute;tudier les attitudes & agrave; l'& eacute;gard de l'utilisation des anglicismes (formes int & eacute;gr & eacute;es et non int & eacute;gr & eacute;es), la question ouverte suivante a & eacute;t & eacute; pos & eacute;e & agrave; 675 Qu & eacute;b & eacute;cois francophones : Avez-vous quelque chose & agrave; dire sur l'utilisation des anglicismes en fran & ccedil;ais qu & eacute;b & eacute;cois ? La pr & eacute;sente & eacute;tude consiste en une analyse qualitative des r & eacute;ponses des participants & agrave; cette question sp & eacute;cifique. Elle met en & eacute;vidence des hi & eacute;rarchies linguistiques entre l'usage des anglicismes morphologiquement int & eacute;gr & eacute;s et ceux qui ne le sont pas. Les anglicismes qui ne sont pas morphologiquement int & eacute;gr & eacute;s dans la langue fran & ccedil;aise sont per & ccedil;us par de nombreux participants comme fautifs et formant un obstacle & agrave; la communication et & agrave; la compr & eacute;hension entre les utilisateurs et les non-utilisateurs des formes non int & eacute;gr & eacute;es. Les participants associent l'utilisation des formes non int & eacute;gr & eacute;es aux jeunes.
