Highly skilled migration in the South African context remains underexplored. In particular, there exists a significant gap in the literature concerning the exit of teachers to destinations abroad and the subsequent return and reintegration of South Africans upon their return. This study contributes to filling this scholarly gap by examining the primary motivation for the return of South African teachers, namely, family considerations. Drawing on a qualitative case study involving thirty return-migrant teachers, the study is theoretically informed by Cassarino’s (2004) framework on return-migration motivations and Wright’s (2012) typology of migrant well-being. Data collection methods included open-ended questionnaires, semi-structured interviews, and focus group discussions. Although participants specialised in a range of subjects, STEM (Science and Mathematics) and English emerged as particularly high-demand fields both domestically and internationally, presenting teaching opportunities locally and abroad. The findings highlight transnational linkages and the complex interplay of both anticipated and unexpected return migration drivers. A primary family motivator for return was the desire to provide a conducive home environment for children. Additionally, unforeseen factors such as the declining health or death of a family member prompted return. The study revealed South African teachers’ international migration for functional well-being; however, psychosocial well-being was significant in propelling their return migration.
Examples of Learning the Slovenian Language in the Croatian Border Area along the Slovenian-Croatian Border: Then and Now The paper analyses the status of the Slovenian language in Croatia, with particular emphasis on the opportunities and modes of learning it in the border areas along the Slovenian–Croatian border. In Croatia, the Slovenian language has a dual role – it is both a minority language and the language of a neighbouring state. The paper provides an overview of the historical and institutional development of the Slovenian language in Croatia, as well as insights into current practices of language learning in primary and secondary schools. The analysis focuses on data collected through a survey of students attending Slovenian language classes under different educational models, as well as on an analysis of official documents and the relevant legislative framework. The introductory section highlights the importance of the institutional protection of the Slovenian language as a language of a national minority, emphasising that its presence in the public sphere remains limited. The historical overview indicates that during the period of Yugoslavia, there were no opportunities for the institutional learning of Slovenian, which resulted in weak intergenerational language transmission and predominantly passive knowledge of the language among younger members of the Slovenian community. Following Croatia’s independence and the adoption of relevant legislation on the rights of national minorities (2000, 2002), opportunities for the institutionalised learning of Slovenian emerged. Supplementary classes in the Slovenian language and culture were first introduced in Split in the 1993/94 school year. Subsequently, three main models of learning Slovenian were developed: Supplementary Instruction (DPS), the subject Slovenian Language and Culture according to Model C, and projects implemented in cooperation with primary schools, particularly in Varaždin County. The methodological section presents two sources of data: an analysis of official documents from Croatia and Slovenia (desk research) and the results of a survey conducted among primary and secondary school students attending Slovenian language classes. The survey was conducted at the end of 2021 and included 109 primary school students and 86 secondary school students, with a gender distribution of 54:45 (primary schools) and 77:23 (secondary schools). The research shows that the vast majority of students do not speak Slovenian as their mother tongue. Only 2% of primary school students reported Slovenian as their exclusive mother tongue, whereas all secondary school students reported Croatian as their mother tongue. This confirms the hypothesis of weak language transmission within families. Nevertheless, students expressed a high level of motivation to learn Slovenian. The most common reasons include the desire to learn an additional language (primary school: 90%; secondary school: 79%), liking the language, social interaction, excursions to Slovenia, and the possibility of studying in Slovenia. Among primary school students, emotional and social motivations are more pronounced, whereas secondary school students more frequently emphasise pragmatic reasons related to education and employment. A difference in the perception of the Slovenian language among students is also evident: younger students tend to perceive it as enjoyable and as a means of social connection, whereas older students view it as a useful competence, particularly in the context of studying and working in Slovenia. This indicates a shift in the perception of the Slovenian language—from a traditionally inherited language of a national minority to a functional language of a neighbouring country. Students report a high level of satisfaction with Slovenian language classes: 59% of primary school students and 46% of secondary school students stated that they were “very satisfied”, while an additional 37% and 50% respectively reported being “satisfied”. The most important elements of successful instruction, according to students, are the quality of teachers and a non-imposing, accessible approach to learning. A concerning finding is that Slovenian is very rarely used outside the classroom: only 2–4% of primary school students report speaking exclusively Slovenian with family members, while no such responses were recorded among secondary school students. Nevertheless, almost half of the students mention family ties with Slovenia as one of the motivations for learning the language. The conclusion emphasises the importance of preserving the Slovenian language through the education system. Strengthening institutional support, ensuring qualified teaching staff, and introducing Slovenian language education in regions without developed minority organisations are necessary steps. In addition to education, cultural content and media in the Slovenian language are also important in order to enable young people to maintain regular contact with the language. The author concludes that the Slovenian language in Croatia is increasingly shifting from the role of a language used exclusively within a minority community towards a functional instrument of cultural and educational connectivity with Slovenia. This opens up opportunities for its further affirmation within the context of European multilingualism, regional cooperation, and the personal development of students.
At the beginning of the 20th century, about a third of the population of Punta Arenas, in the Magallanes region of southern Chile, were Croats. They came mostly from the Dalmatian part of Croatia, which was, at the time, a part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, so they were identified as Austrians. They came to do hard work, they did not speak Spanish, but had social and information needs related to their new and old homelands. They started to establish formal associations and also to publish newspapers at that time. The fact that out of the seven Croatian newspapers in Chile, five were published in the very south of Chile, in the province of Magallanes (four of them in Punta Arenas), indicates the social importance of the Croatian community there, its organization, and its specific information needs. The aim of the paper is to point out precisely these specific features – the information needs and the publishers’ and editorial concepts that sought to satisfy these needs. In the paper, newspapers published in Punta Arenas until 1911 are analysed based on available copies and then on the secondary sources. Four titles had been published at the time, and all were somehow interconnected – they had the same editor (Male novine, Domovina, and Dom) or some were successors of the others (Novo doba of Domovina). Bibliographic data and basic technical characteristics related to the editorial concepts of the newspapers were analysed (data sources, headings, scope, data on editors, printers, frequency of publication, circulation, distribution method, etc.). The research method was an analysis of the content of all 180 available issues that are available in the National Library of Chile (the only location where the issues are preserved). For the first time, primary sources were analysed de visu. Many of the issues were considered lost in previous analyses, they were not available, so some incorrect conclusions were made in those analyses. Based on the analysis of 745 available pages, conclusions were drawn about the way newspapers were edited, the source of information on responsibility, and other data related to editorial and publishing concepts. A detailed analysis of the content is not included, but indications of the social context are given and the role of individuals is described. The analysis showed that at least 198 issues were published in total. All of the 180 analysed issues were technically similar– they use similar graphic design, they publish basic bibliographic data in the same places and in the same way, the headings contain only the newspaper title, they have no imprint, and generally no pagination. They were most often published on four pages. All of them were published in the same printing house, and only in the Novo doba diacritics were used. The circulation was 200-300 copies, the newspapers were financed by sales and advertisements. The frequency of publication was weekly (in the Dom biweekly), and the planned rhythm of publication was generally maintained. The texts were most often not signed with the full name and surname of the author. This paper also points out errors in the previous literature, in which the analysis was not based on an insight into the copies because they were not available at the time of the analyses, but on the secondary sources. It is also pointed out that the analysed newspapers are rare materials – they are available in only one library. Since they are part of the Croatian cultural heritage, inter-institutional cooperation is necessary in order to digitize them and ensure permanent archiving and access. The results of the research can serve as a starting point for new researches in the fields of history, communication, linguistics, politics, economics, sociology, culture, etc.
According to UNICEF data from 2019, among the general population of married women in Serbia aged 20 to 49 or those in a common-law marriage, 7.9 % entered their first union before the age of 18. Among their peers from Roma communities, this percentage is as high as 57.2 % (UNICEF, 2020:396). Click or tap here to enter text.Marriage among adolescent girls and boys, who are physically and psychosocially immature, uneducated, and economically dependent, can no longer be justified by the specific customs and traditions of a community. Understanding and combating this cultural practice requires an explicit public articulation of its harmful nature, particularly because this practice is forbidden by the Serbian legislative system and violates universal human rights. The persistence of the practice of early marriage of Roma girls in the twenty-first century, a phenomenon with multiple harmful consequences for the Roma population, only confirms its complex and multidimensional nature and the necessity of considering it in interaction with numerous social factors, such as poverty, unemployment, education, social norms, customs, and gender roles in the community, lack of efficiency among institutions and policy instruments, etc. This paper offers the concept of a marginalized environment as an explanatory framework within which the practice of child marriage among the Roma in Serbia has been functioning and perpetuated (UNICEF, 2017). By means of measures aimed at protecting Roma children from all forms of neglect, violence, and abuse (formulating and implementing appropriate legal solutions, raising social awareness, and providing alternatives to at-risk children and their families), state authorities would significantly contribute to reducing existing prejudices against the Roma and empowering members of the Roma community in Serbia for more successful inclusion into Serbian society.
This study investigates the social-psychological underpinnings of two related yet distinct constructs: ethnocentrism and Croatian national-minority identity. The research was motivated by the need to clarify how personality traits, ideological orientations, and social worldviews intersect to shape these constructs among Croats living in Vojvodina, Serbia. The analysis is framed within the dual-process cognitive-motivational theory of prejudice and ideology, a theoretical model that has been particularly influential in explaining attitudes toward out-groups, the emergence of prejudice, and the maintenance of political-ideological orientations. The central premise of this investigation is that the Croatian community in Vojvodina represents a minority whose identity has been historically molded by political pressures, assimilation processes, and cultural preservation efforts. Ethnocentrism, understood as loyalty to and preference for one’s own group, and Croatian national-minority identity, which emphasizes political and cultural rights as well as symbolic ties to the homeland, are both salient to this community. Although positively correlated, these constructs are not synonymous. Understanding their convergence and divergence requires an in-depth examination of dispositional traits and ideological frameworks. The dual-process model posits that individual differences in prejudice and ideology are best explained by the interplay of personality traits, social worldviews, and ideological attitudes. While this model has traditionally relied on the Big Five personality dimensions, the present study innovatively integrates the Dark Triad - Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy given their relevance to socially aversive behavior. Religiosity was additionally introduced as a predictor variable, reflecting its long-standing significance as a cultural marker and socializing force within the Croatian minority community, where Roman Catholicism has historically served as a central identity anchor. The declared Croats in Vojvodina are predominantly Roman Catholic (90% – Census, 2022), and this affiliation has historically represented a central component of their collective identity, which continues to be significant in the present. This aligns with our research sample, in which 97% of the respondents reported belonging to the Roman Catholic Church. In the context of a challenging political climate (they obtained official recognition of their status as a national-minority community in 2002), the absence of systematic organizational opportunities, and the lack of national-minority associations, the Roman Catholic Church has functioned as the primary institution for religious, cultural, and national-minority activities. The empirical analysis was based on a convenience sample of 189 adult respondents of Croatian nationality from different settlements across Vojvodina. Participants completed validated instruments measuring the Dark Triad traits, social worldviews (dangerous worldview and competitive-jungle worldview), ideological attitudes (right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation), religiosity, ethnocentrism, and Croatian national-minority identity. Hierarchical regression analysis was employed to evaluate the predictive contributions of these variables. The models accounted for 40% of the variance in ethnocentrism and 21% of the variance in minority identity, indicating robust but distinct explanatory mechanisms. Ethnocentrism was predicted by Machiavellianism and narcissism, alongside right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and religiosity. This constellation of predictors suggests that individuals characterized by manipulativeness, self-centeredness, authoritarianism, and hierarchical social beliefs are more inclined toward ethnocentric attitudes. Religiosity, while often associated with moral guidance, here appears to reinforce in-group boundaries and intensify loyalty to one’s ethnic group. Collectively, these factors reflect a psychological profile marked by defensive aggression, a preference for conformity, and the use of group identity as a vehicle for securing both belonging and perceived superiority. Croatian national-minority identity displayed a partially different profile. Machiavellianism again emerged as a positive predictor, whereas psychopathy exerted a negative effect, indicating that strategic but not antisocial traits are conducive to minority identity formation. In addition, dangerous worldview, right-wing authoritarianism, and religiosity were all significant predictors. These results suggest that Croatian minority identity is less associated with aggression or dominance and more aligned with defensive orientations rooted in perceived threats, a drive for cohesion, and reliance on cultural and religious traditions as integrative elements. The absence of psychopathy emphasizes that this identity is not driven by impulsivity or antisocial behavior, but rather by organized, goal-directed strategies of cultural preservation. The presence of Machiavellianism as a predictor of both constructs points to a nuanced dynamic. Although manipulative interpersonal styles are generally regarded as socially aversive, in minority contexts, they may serve adaptive purposes by enabling individuals to navigate interethnic complexities, advocate for collective interests, and safeguard cultural continuity. Conversely, the negative association between psychopathy and minority identity indicates that destructive, antisocial tendencies erode rather than strengthen collective identity. Despite their differences, ethnocentrism and minority identity were found to be substantially correlated, a relationship largely explained by their shared predictors, Machiavellianism, right-wing authoritarianism, and religiosity. This overlap highlights common dispositional and ideological foundations, even though the broader psychological architecture of each construct diverges. Ethnocentrism is more closely tied to prejudice and exclusionary attitudes, while Croatian minority identity is more firmly rooted in ideological defense, social cohesion, and cultural perseverance. From a theoretical standpoint, the findings partly affirm the assumptions of the dual-process model. Ethnocentrism conforms to the model’s predictions, being strongly linked to aversive traits and authoritarian orientations. Minority identity, however, does not align as neatly, as it is less associated with competitive worldviews or overtly aggressive tendencies and more with defensive worldviews and religiosity. This suggests that the dual-process model remains valuable but requires adaptation to capture the nuances of minority identity in contexts where religion and cultural survival are central. Methodologically, the study demonstrates the flexibility of the dual-process model by successfully incorporating the Dark Triad. This integration broadens the explanatory scope of the model, illustrating that socially disruptive traits play a crucial role in shaping both prejudice and identity. The inclusion of religiosity further underscores its importance as both a cultural anchor and a psychological orientation influencing intergroup attitudes. The implications of the study extend beyond theory. Distinguishing between ethnocentrism and minority identity is vital for both academic and policy discussions. While positively correlated, these constructs embody different psychological logics: ethnocentrism is rooted in exclusionary hostility, whereas minority identity reflects adaptive strategies for cohesion and defense. Policies that strengthen minority identity through cultural autonomy, education, and constructive religiosity - need not reinforce ethnocentric tendencies. Instead, carefully designed interventions can promote identity while mitigating such prejudice. The findings also shed light on the role of personality traits in intergroup relations. The positive contribution of Machiavellianism to both constructs suggests that certain manipulative traits may have functional value in minority contexts. At the same time, the negative impact of psychopathy highlights the need to distinguish between strategic behaviors that facilitate group advocacy and antisocial tendencies that undermine cohesion. This differentiation has important implications for understanding leadership and activism within minority communities. Religiosity emerges as a particularly complex factor. It serves simultaneously as a unifying force within the minority community and as a marker of group boundaries vis-à-vis the majority. For the Croatian community in Vojvodina, Catholicism has long provided cultural continuity amid the political instability and demographic decline. The dual role of religiosity, as both integrative and divisive, must therefore be carefully considered in analyses of minority identity and intergroup relations. The study is not without limitations. The reliance on a convenience sample restricts the generalizability of the results, and the cross-sectional design limits causal inference. Additionally, the exclusive focus on one minority group necessitates caution when extrapolating to other contexts. Future research should adopt longitudinal designs, conduct cross-group comparisons, and consider the influence of alternative religious and cultural traditions to test the generalizability of these findings. In sum, this research enhances our understanding of ethnocentrism and Croatian national-minority identity by embedding them within the dual-process cognitive-motivational framework and extending the model to include the Dark Triad and religiosity. The results reveal both overlap and divergence: while the two constructs share certain dispositional and ideological predictors, their psychological foundations differ in important ways. Ethnocentrism reflects hostility, authoritarianism, and hierarchical dominance, whereas minority identity embodies defensiveness, cohesion, and cultural perseverance. These findings contribute to theoretical refinement and offer practical insights into fostering intergroup tolerance and supporting minority communities in multicultural societies.
In the context of increasing labour market precarity and regional inequalities within the EU, circular migration has become a widespread livelihood strategy for women from Slavonija, a structurally marginalized region in eastern Croatia. While migrant networks are often seen primarily as resources for accessing employment, this article extends that understanding by examining how both transnational and local networks also sustain care circulation across borders. The aim of the article is to explore how these networks facilitate the start and continuation of circular labour migration, and how they act as informal infrastructures that enable bilocal living. 25 narrative interviews were conducted with migrant women who circulate for employment in care work, agriculture, and tourism and hospitality industries in Germany, Austria, and Italy. The findings show that women’s circular migration from Slavonija is sustained through migrant and local networks that provide access to work, emotional support, and informal systems of care. These networks help manage the instability and intensity of precarious jobs and the strain of separation from the family. Simultaneously, these networks reproduce unequal expectations, with women continuing to organize care from abroad while receiving limited support in return. They also imbue working abroad with emotional ambivalence connected to leaving home, as caregiving responsibilities persist across distances. Circular migration is thus not solely shaped by economic necessity and individual decision-making, but is socially and affectively sustained through gendered obligations, emotional interdependence, and uneven forms of care circulation embedded in bilocal living.
This paper addresses the phenomenon of contemporary migration of Croats to the Republic of Ireland, with particular emphasis on the preservation of cultural and national identity within the broader context of the Croatian diaspora. The principal aim of this study is to present the perceptions of Croatian emigrants regarding their own identity, as well as to identify the challenges they face and the strategies they employ in order to maintain it. The analysis is based on the results of a quantitative survey conducted in May and June 2025, among Croatian migrants residing in Ireland. These findings provide valuable insights into their migration experiences, levels of satisfaction with personal and professional circumstances, and the degree of integration into Irish society. Special attention is devoted to their attitudes toward the perception and preservation of the Croatian language, customs, religion, as well as cultural and national identity within the migratory context. Integration into Irish society is most frequently pragmatic in nature and predominantly motivated by economic considerations, while emotional and identity-based ties to the homeland remain strong and clearly articulated. This study contributes to a deeper understanding of contemporary migration processes and may serve as a foundation for the development of targeted policies and strategies that support both the preservation of identity among Croatian emigrants in Ireland and across the world, and their successful integration into the host society.
This paper examines how young migrants’ future plans in the UK were destabilised by the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Uncertainty around health, employment, and most crucially, the well-being of family members in their countries of origin prompted many to reconsider return migration or the possibility of relocating relatives to the UK, concerns that had previously been marginal. While migration studies often centre on individual agency, this research shows how family obligations and shifting external conditions reshape migrants’ trajectories and priorities. A recurring theme is the paradox of desiring a return while continually postponing it due to structural and emotional constraints. Migrants found themselves caught between securing a stable future abroad and fulfilling caregiving responsibilities: financial, practical, and emotional, toward loved ones at home. Based on online interviews with 27 young and highly skilled migrants conducted between December 2020 and September 2021, the paper highlights how crises such as COVID-19 recalibrate migration decisions. It contributes to debates on return migration and transnational care by foregrounding temporality and migrants’ future imaginaries, showing how a once-distant future becomes an immediate and pressing concern, and reshaping the meaning of belonging and home.
This paper explores the relationship between the rights of national minorities and the national security of the Republic of Croatia through theoretical, legal, and practical dimensions, with a particular emphasis on the challenges in implementing the legal framework. The theoretical framework of this paper analyses the interrelation between national security and the rights of national minorities, with a particular focus on post-conflict societies such as the Republic of Croatia. National security is defined as a state in which key state and societal interests are preserved without the presence of internal or external threats, while the rights of national minorities refer to a set of special rights guaranteed to preserve their identity and ensure equality. Security is viewed in an objective sense as the absence of threats, and in a subjective sense as the feeling of safety. The concept of national security formally emerged for the first time in the United States in the 1940s, and in the contemporary context it includes political stability, respect for human and minority rights, and the preservation of legal order. Theorists such as Wolfers and Booth emphasize that security must also be understood within subjective frameworks—that is, through the community’s sense of safety, not merely through the absence of threats. In this sense, the realization of national minority rights contributes to reducing social tensions and preventing conflict, thereby directly strengthening the internal stability of the state. In the Republic of Croatia, following the Homeland War, ensuring the rights of national minorities—particularly Serb, Bosniak, Albanian, Roma, and Italian minorities, among others—was crucial for building a stable and secure society. Failure to respect these rights can cause social tensions that are perceived as threats to national security. This highlights the importance of including minorities in political and social spheres. In theoretical discourse, national security is often used as a political tool, which can lead to distorted portrayals of threats and flawed strategic decisions. A threat to security encompasses events that can significantly undermine the quality of life of citizens and the political capabilities of the state. Human and minority rights also serve as safeguards against irredentism and secessionism—processes that can jeopardize the sovereignty of the state. The concept of national minorities is not universally defined in international law. The Council of Europe’s 1993 Recommendation offers an informal definition based on long-term residence, citizenship, and cultural distinctiveness. Different European Union member states define minorities in various ways, with distinctions made between national, ethnic, linguistic, and historical minorities. International standards for the protection of national minority rights include: the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities; the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities; and the European Convention on Human Rights. These documents promote equality, cultural pluralism, and protection from discrimination, and oblige states to actively include minorities in all aspects of social life. Practical examples from countries such as Spain, Italy, and Finland show diverse approaches to minority rights protection, while some cases—such as in Myanmar—highlight severe forms of discrimination. The Republic of Croatia ensures the protection of national minority rights through a comprehensive legal and institutional framework aligned with international standards. In the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, national minorities are explicitly recognized as an integral part of the state's identity, with guarantees of equality and the realization of national rights. The key piece of legislation regulating national minority rights is the Constitutional Act on the Rights of National Minorities, which defines the concept of a national minority and prescribes specific rights in areas such as political representation, the official use of language and script, cultural autonomy, and access to media. The Croatian model includes positive measures, such as reserved seats for members of national minorities in the Croatian Parliament and in bodies of local and regional self-government, thereby ensuring political participation. The official use of minority languages and scripts is guaranteed in local self-government units where a national minority makes up at least one-third of the population. According to the 2011 Census, this right was exercised in 27 local self-government units, including the City of Vukovar. However, its implementation sparked tensions, particularly with the introduction of cyrillic script, which led to social resistance and political disputes. Following the 2021 Census, in some areas, including Vukovar, the share of the minority population fell below the legal threshold, resulting in the cessation of the obligation of bilingualism. Institutions such as the Council for national minorities, the Government office for human rights and rights of national minorities, and the Ombudsman are responsible for the implementation and oversight of minority rights. Despite the existence of a legislative framework, challenges in implementation persist, especially regarding political will and local resistance. The Roma community is particularly affected by structural discrimination, poverty, low levels of education, and high unemployment, demonstrating the limited impact of integration strategies such as the National Roma Inclusion Strategy 2013–2020. On the other hand, the example of the Italian national minority in Istria County illustrates successful integration, with a well-developed model of bilingualism and education in the minority language. In some self-government units, even where national minorities do not constitute one-third of the population, equal use of the minority language has been enabled through local statutes, confirming the potential for good practices beyond the legal minimum. The paper explores the relationship between national minority rights and national security through theoretical approaches that explain ethnic peace and social stability. Special focus is placed on the role of political institutions in maintaining peace and preventing conflicts among ethnic groups. Scholars have supported various theories of ethnic peace: primordialism, instrumentalism, and constructivism. While primordialism explains ethnic violence through deeply rooted identities, and instrumentalism sees it as the result of political and economic interests, constructivism emphasizes the power of political institutions and their ability to ensure ethnic peace through democratic mechanisms and the creation of trust in the system. The theory of relative deprivation is also analysed, highlighting the discrepancy between expectations and reality as a trigger for discontent and potential conflict. Through a critical analysis of these approaches, their partial effectiveness in explaining the complex relationship between minority rights and security is recognized. On this basis, a new theory is introduced — the theory of reciprocal trust — which for the first time integrates national minority rights, institutional trust, and national security into a unified theoretical framework. Unlike earlier theories that focus on static factors (ethnic affiliation, institutional structure, economic interests), this theory views the dynamics of mutual trust between minority communities and state institutions as a key factor in stability. It emphasizes the two-way nature of this relationship: the government must act transparently, responsibly, and inclusively to gain the trust of minorities, while minority trust in turn legitimizes institutions and contributes to sustainable stability. The theory of reciprocal trust expands the concept of security to include human rights, arguing that national minority rights are not only a matter of legal protection but also a strategic tool for preserving social cohesion and preventing radicalization. Key elements of the theory include equal access to political participation, education, employment, and other social resources; institutional transparency and accountability; openness of government to dialogue; and the consistent implementation of laws and other regulations. The active inclusion of national minorities in political and social life contributes to a sense of belonging, reduces feelings of marginalization, and lowers the risk of political conflict and violent extremism. The theory of reciprocal trust represents an innovative contribution to the scientific literature and a practical guideline for the development of policies that acknowledge the security dimension of minority rights. It offers a sustainable and integrative model of internal stability based on mutual trust, thereby surpassing existing theoretical approaches and providing a concrete framework for enhancing national security through the protection of human rights. The theory of reciprocal trust emphasizes the importance of the two-way relationship between national minorities and state (local and regional) institutions, highlighting that the stability and security of the state depend on the level of inclusiveness, equality, and trust in institutions. The rights of national minorities must be equal to those of the majority population, particularly in the areas of political participation, education, healthcare, and employment. The integration of national minorities through political participation strengthens their representation and loyalty to the state, reduces ethnic tensions, and contributes to democratic legitimacy. To achieve this, it is essential to develop inclusive policies that foster a shared identity and mutual respect, ensuring that citizens of different national affiliations
The COVID-19 pandemic exposed entrenched inequities in education, particularly affecting racialized groups such as refugee and migrant youth. This article examines how emergency measures during the pandemic exacerbated existing exclusionary practices in Croatia’s education system, notably through the implementation of remote learning, which was conducted exclusively in Croatian. Drawing on interdisciplinary approaches from educational anthropology, critical race theory, and human rights law, this study unpacks the racialised dynamics of institutional neglect and oppression faced by racialized and minoritized children. Using socio-legal analysis, the authors highlight the systemic barriers to equitable education, including language exclusion, socioeconomic disparities, and lack of institutional accountability. The article also reflects on advocacy efforts, including a formal complaint against Croatia for violating the International Convention on the Rights of the Child. By situating these issues within broader societal contexts, this analysis advances understanding of the racialization of education and underscores the need for transformative, inclusive educational policy, pedagogies, and research.
Refugees in Malta face a variety of challenges, particularly in terms of social and economic integration, including discrimination, language barriers, and difficulties in finding employment. In addition to relying on their own resilience and determination to overcome adversity and succeed in their new community, refugees have devised a variety of practices to deal with these issues. The central question of this study is: How are refugees’ living conditions protected by Malta’s immigration and integration policy? In light of this, the study explores the opportunities, experiences, and challenges encountered by refugees, as well as the commonly adopted coping mechanisms. Employing a mix of sample surveys, focus groups, informal conversations, key informant interviews, and everyday lived experiences, the study reveals how refugees and asylum seekers navigate the complex legal system to obtain the necessary documentation. It also shows how they can improve their chances of survival and integration with a combination of support from local communities, nongovernmental organisations, and the government. It contributes to a better understanding of how rights, opportunities, and protection for refugees and asylum seekers across all spheres of life can engender social cohesion in a multicultural society.
The history of Croats in New Zealand dates back to the 19th century. Geographical distance and weaker ties to the country of origin have resulted in unique patterns of this diaspora’s social development. It is marked by an intensified process of assimilation into New Zealand society, while a significant part of the community, in terms of origin, primarily highlights a regional Dalmatian identity over a national Croatian one, given that the vast majority of immigrants originate from Central Dalmatia. The aim of this study is to analyse the development of this diaspora from the perspective of emotions as a foundation for its formation. The focus will be on Auckland, where the largest community of settlers and their descendants was established. To achieve the primary goal of the study, ten archived interviews, conducted using oral history methods with New Zealanders of Croatian descent, will be interpreted. These interviews are held in New Zealand libraries. Special emphasis will be placed on the methodological challenges of analysing this type of source. Within the established theoretical framework, the collective and individual activities of diaspora members are recognised as the emotional foundation upon which both individual and group identities are (re)constructed. The process of (re)constructing their identity was based on daily activities, particularly in areas of the city with a high density of settlers, and through the activities of immigrant clubs and associations. Through socialization, these daily practices became ritualised, providing a framework for the expression of emotions, mobilisation of diaspora members, and community development.
