Through the examples of public parental-leave policies, such as the federal Employment Insurance's parental and father benefits and Quebec Parental Insurance Plan, and public campaigns, such as the 2022 Public Health Agency of Canada's 'Positive Father Involvement' (PFI) campaign, developed by federal and provincial governments, this article analyses the way the Canadian government has encouraged fathers to embrace a more caring dimension of masculinity and fatherhood. By creating a normative context which helps to foster caring fathers and by breaking the overidentification of women with care, these institutional measures aim at bringing more gender equality both at home but also on the labour market. & Agrave; travers des exemples de politiques publiques familiales, notamment les prestations de paternit & eacute; et les prestations parentales f & eacute;d & eacute;rales de l'assurance-emploi et le R & eacute;gime qu & eacute;b & eacute;cois d'assurance parentale, et de campagnes publiques, telles que la campagne sur l'Engagement Positif du P & egrave;re (EPP) de l'Agence de la sant & eacute; publique du Canada, d & eacute;velopp & eacute;es par les gouvernements f & eacute;d & eacute;ral et provinciaux, cet article analyse la mani & egrave;re dont le gouvernement canadien a encourag & eacute; une paternit & eacute; et une masculinit & eacute; plus engag & eacute;es et impliqu & eacute;es. En cr & eacute;ant un contexte normatif qui aide les p & egrave;res & agrave; & ecirc;tre plus impliqu & eacute;s aupr & egrave;s de leurs enfants et en brisant l'identification quasi-syst & eacute;matique des femmes aux activit & eacute;s familiales li & eacute;es au care, ces mesures institutionnelles visent & agrave; apporter plus d'& eacute;galit & eacute; entre les hommes et les femmes & agrave; la fois & agrave; la maison et sur le march & eacute; du travail.
Freedom, in its many forms, has been a fundamental tenet of the political discourse of Canadian prime ministers, of their construction of the national identity, and of the creation of a national narrative for decades. This article examines how, since the Second World War, prime ministers have deployed the rhetoric of freedom and contributed to that discourse on freedom even as what it meant changed with new circumstances and new situations. What successive prime ministers meant when they invoked the concept of freedom was never constant, but several distinct elements of that discourse can be discerned in the rhetoric of prime ministers from the 1940s to the present. La libert & eacute;, sous ses multiples formes, a constitu & eacute; un pilier fondamental du discours politique des premiers ministres canadiens et de leur & eacute;laboration de l'identit & eacute; nationale et du r & eacute;cit national pendant des d & eacute;cennies. Cet article examine comment, depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les premiers ministres ont mobilis & eacute; la rh & eacute;torique de la libert & eacute; et contribu & eacute; & agrave; ce discours, m & ecirc;me si sa signification a & eacute;volu & eacute; au gr & eacute; des circonstances. La port & eacute;e de la notion de libert & eacute; pour les premiers ministres successifs n'a jamais & eacute;t & eacute; fig & eacute;e, mais plusieurs & eacute;l & eacute;ments distincts de ce discours se d & eacute;gagent de la rh & eacute;torique des premiers ministres des ann & eacute;es 1940 & agrave; nos jours.
This article examines Canada's climate change record since the early 1990s. Early signs of global leadership soon evaporated and Canada became the worst climate change laggard in the G7. The article maintains that much of this poor record may be understood as a product of rapid growth in Alberta's oil sands production, one of the world's most GHG-intensive sources of petroleum. Technological change, federalism, and free trade set the stage for a nearly tenfold increase in oil sands production between 1990 and 2023. Canada's decentralised federal system gave the government of Alberta the opportunity to promote oil sands growth while turning a blind eye to its impact on greenhouse gas emissions. But the federal government also supported this expansion and has done little to reduce what are now record levels of oil sands emissions. Whether Prime Minister Carney is willing or able to reverse this history is an open question. Cet article examine le bilan des changements climatiques au Canada depuis le d & eacute;but des ann & eacute;es 1990. Les premiers signes de leadership mondial se sont vite & eacute;vapor & eacute;s et le Canada est devenu le pire retardataire des changements climatiques au sein du G7. L'article soutient qu'une grande partie de ce mauvais bilan peut & ecirc;tre comprise comme le r & eacute;sultat de la croissance rapide de la production de sables bitumineux de l'Alberta, l'une des sources de gaz & agrave; effet de serre les plus intenses au monde. Le changement technologique, le f & eacute;d & eacute;ralisme et le libre-& eacute;change ont pr & eacute;par & eacute; le terrain pour une augmentation de pr & egrave;s de dix fois la production de sables bitumineux entre 1990 et 2023. Le syst & egrave;me f & eacute;d & eacute;ral d & eacute;centralis & eacute; du Canada a donn & eacute; au gouvernement de l'Alberta l'occasion de promouvoir la croissance des sables bitumineux tout en fermant les yeux sur son impact sur les & eacute;missions de gaz & agrave; effet de serre. Mais le gouvernement f & eacute;d & eacute;ral a aussi soutenu cette expansion et a peu fait pour r & eacute;duire ce qui est maintenant des niveaux records d'& eacute;missions des sables bitumineux. La question de savoir si le premier ministre Carney est pr & ecirc;t ou capable d'inverser cette histoire reste ouverte.
Canada is often seen as a 'middle power' that supports multilateralism and peaceful conflict resolution. Although generally aligned with the United States, Canada has at times diverged, as in its approach to Central American unrest in the 1980s and 1990s, which it framed as a North-South issue - unlike the US's Cold War lens. By the 1990s, however, Canada adopted a more assertive, market-oriented foreign policy, emphasizing access for exports and investment, especially in the extractive sector. This shift contributed to Canadian support for the 2009 military coup in Honduras and closer ties with companies accused of human rights violations. Critics have described Canada's regional stance as imperialist or 'extractivist-imperialist'. This article argues instead that Canada functions as a 'sub-imperialist' power, operating within US hegemony in the Americas. While pursuing its own economic interests with limited autonomy, Canada cooperates with US objectives, creating a dynamic of tension within overarching alignment. Le Canada est souvent consid & eacute;r & eacute; comme une & laquo; puissance moyenne & raquo; favorable au multilat & eacute;ralisme et & agrave; la r & eacute;solution pacifique des conflits. Bien qu'en g & eacute;n & eacute;ral align & eacute; sur les & Eacute;tats-Unis, il s'en est parfois & eacute;cart & eacute;, notamment dans son approche des troubles en Am & eacute;rique centrale dans les ann & eacute;es 1980 et 1990, qu'il a interpr & eacute;t & eacute;s comme un probl & egrave;me Nord-Sud, contrairement & agrave; la lecture Est-Ouest des & Eacute;tats-Unis. Toutefois, dans les ann & eacute;es 1990, le Canada a adopt & eacute; une politique & eacute;trang & egrave;re plus affirm & eacute;e et ax & eacute;e sur le march & eacute;, en privil & eacute;giant l'acc & egrave;s & agrave; l'exportation et & agrave; l'investissement, notamment dans le secteur extractif. Ce tournant a contribu & eacute; & agrave; son soutien au coup d'& Eacute;tat militaire de 2009 au Honduras et & agrave; son alignement avec des entreprises canadiennes accus & eacute;es de violations des droits humains. Plut & ocirc;t que de le qualifier d'imp & eacute;rialiste, cet article soutient que le Canada agit comme une puissance & laquo; sub-imp & eacute;rialiste & raquo;, poursuivant ses propres int & eacute;r & ecirc;ts tout en s'inscrivant dans l'h & eacute;g & eacute;monie am & eacute;ricaine, dans un cadre de coop & eacute;ration antagoniste.
This article argues that Margaret Atwood’s Surfacing (1972) offers a material thought that engages with the emerging New Materialist feminist insights. By contrasting with the concurrent second-wave feminism, which often sought to deny certain physical characteristics of women, Atwood embraces the inherent traits of femininity and facilitates the protagonist’s reconnection with her body through a return to the wilderness. As the protagonist interacts with the material nature around her, she comes to understand that her body is not a fixed entity but a trans-corporeal, fluid body that is open to and engaged in exchange with its surroundings. The protagonist also symbolises the oppressed Canadian national identity. In opposition to the European humanist logic represented by Americans, she emphasises a kinship, as described by Donna Jeanne Haraway, where all humans and non-humans share a common flesh, shape through interaction, and co-constitute one another. Ultimately, by exploring the fluidity of the protagonist’s body and identity, Atwood envisions a post-human democratic politics where humans and non-humans coexist as equals, fostering interdependence and co-evolution rather than domination or exploitation.
