This contribution presents four newly found Christian funerary inscriptions from the Lycaonian city of Savatra (Yağlıbayat). One of these (no. 2) was unearthed at Savatra during the excavations, while the others were found during the surveys in and around the Yağlıbayat village. Numerous epigraphic finds previously discovered in Savatra and the surrounding area provide valuable evidence of the rise of Christianity in the city. The newly presented inscriptions also offer important information about the religious and social structures of Savatra during the Christian period. The inscriptions contain the personal names as Basilissa (no. 1), Longinus (no. 2), Timodemos' son Nestor (no. 3), Pauli[-] and Am-pe[-] (no. 4), Sousanna’s husband Papas, son of Alexandros (no. 5). Important expressions, terms and concepts are included such as σῆμα τόδ’ ἔπλετο, deaconess (no. 1); διαφέρον(τα), polites, ὀνόματα δέκα (no. 2); Holy Trinity (no. 3) and M/marty[- (no. 4). Two inscriptions contain warnings regarding the protection of the tomb: one (no. 2) states that anyone who lays hand on the tomb will give account to God; the other (no. 3) warns the offender is accountable to the Trinity (Father-Son-Holy Spirit). The only place name mentioned is as τῆς Δάρα (no. 1), which must be the famous Mesopotamian city of Dara.
This article presents nine new inscriptions discovered during a survey conducted in the territory of Akmoneia, located at Ahatköy in the Banaz district of Uşak Province. Two of these monuments are honorific inscriptions preserved in a fragmentary state (nos. 2 and 4). In one of them (no. 2), the honorand Demades can be securely identified with the individual previously known from an honorific decree dated to AD 68, who is recorded as having dedicated numerous statues. A newly identified inscription (no. 1) reveals that, in addition to various benefactions, this individual also commissioned a torch-bearing statue (lampadephoros). A newly presented document concerning statue dedications along the main street of Akmoneia indicates that a priest named Hierokles, together with his son Hermogenes, erected a statue of Demeter Karpophoros and dedicated it to the divi Augusti and the demos (no. 3). A closely comparable inscription has recently been published (Uzunoğlu – Akyürek-Şahin 2023, 170–172, no. 1), but due to the loss of its upper portion, the identity of the statue associated with that base remained unclear. The close similarity between the two inscriptions is significant, as it demonstrates that Hierokles and his son Hermogenes carried out a coordinated programme of statue dedications along the city’s main street. Three of the published monuments (nos. 5–7) are funerary inscriptions, one of which is a funerary epigram of an individual, whose homeland was Synnada and who appears to have served in the Roman army (no. 5). The stone features a further epigram concerning Thalamos, who likewise appears to have held an official position in the army. Since the reading in line 1 of the first epigram clearly precludes the identification of the two individuals, it is possible that they were comrades, commemorated together on the same funerary monument. The remaining two inscriptions (nos. 8–9) survive only in fragmentary form; no. 8, inscribed on an architrave, is to be interpreted as part of a building inscription.
H. Bru and E. Laflı in “Chronique d’Orient : Chronique 2025, Inscriptions gréco-romaines d’Anatolie XIV”, DHA 51.2 (2025) 251-278, at 262-265 no. 5, publish a 3rd c. AD limestone funerary relief of unknown origin, now in the Museum of Mersin (inv. 12.3.1). The authors have misunderstood the text, which is here identified as belonging to the conclusion of a funerary imprecation, probably connecting the relief with the broader region of central Phrygia.
This study examines a ceramic kiln uncovered in Area 2 of the Eastern Necropolis Production Area at the Ancient City of Side. Constructed using a combination of different types of stone, such as sandstone, conglomerate and travertine, the structure represents a kiln type with a near-circular elliptical plan, double walls and an updraft ventilation system. Stratigraphic data indicate that the kiln was constructed in the late 5th century AD and early 6th century AD and remained in use until the first half of the 7th century. With a diameter exceeding five metres, this structure can be classified as a high-capacity production unit. The kiln’s location on the periphery of the city, its proximity to water sources and clay deposits, and the fact that it was built embedded in sandy soil indicate that environmental and logistical factors played a decisive role in the production process. Furthermore, its spatial relationship with the nearby necropolis church and the inscription “ΠΑΥ” found on the kiln Wall point to possible institutional links in the production activities. In light of this data, it is evident that the Side Eastern Necropolis served not only as a burial ground during the Late Antique Period, but also as a multifunctional production center where the city’s economic and productive activities were carried out.
Regarding the article on the sarcophagus of Aurelia Botiane Demetria in Gephyra 30 (2025) 177-183, some supplementary remarks are made. It belongs to the "normal type" of architectural sarcophagi and was made around 220 AD. The portrait was carved from a boss at an unknown time after Demetria's death. It is the only known example where the architectural design does not continue on all four sides, but rather the back is occupied by a figurative frieze. This peculiarity is due to Demetria's express wish. Although it was found in Perge, it was certainly not crafted there in a "branch workshop" by sculptors from Dokimeion from a "blank" or a semi-finished piece. Rather, it was manufactured in one of the workshops in or near Dokimeion and then transported to Perge. The inscription on the front of the mattress cannot be divided into two phases; all four lines were entered uniformly at Demetria's behest. The sarcophagus stood protected in a family tomb and was probably repeatedly used for the burials of descendants, who, however, did not document this. In the 4th or 5th century, perhaps 150, possibly even 250 years after its manufacture, Christian descendants of Demetria reused it and had the inscription with crosses added on the left side of the lid. The entire figurative representation, the original inscription, and the portrait of Demetria were left untouched out of piety and admiration of the piece as a work of art. Similar practices could be suspected in numerous cases of sarcophagi in Asia Minor. In this instance, it is confirmed by the inscriptions.
This article examines 90 balance weights in the İzak Eskinazi Collection. Almost all of them were incorporated into the collection through purchase in İzmir; therefore, their provenance may be said to be the region of Ionia or nearby areas. The weights are dis-cussed under two groups. Group I comprises weights bearing a denomination mark (but without an ethnic and/or parasemon), whereas Group II consists of weights from the Roman Imperial period (some of which may belong to the Late Hellenistic period). A number of the Group II weights bear the names of magistrates.
Recent environmental crises underscore the critical importance of understanding the historical dynamics of the interrelationship between humans and nature. In this context, the approach of Environmental History has placed the interactions between human societies and nature at the core of its inquiry. Socio-Ecological Modeling, encompassing Environmental History within an interdisciplinary framework, aims to analyze the long-term historical dimensions of these interactions. Ancient Greco-Roman authors, although not always intending to do so, provide valuable information about the physical setting and environmental conditions of the Mediterranean world. The writings of the renowned orator Aelius Aristides on Smyrna contain the most comprehensive data regarding the city’s environmental characteristics in the 2nd century AD; through aspects such as topography, water sources, winds, earthquakes, and epidemics, they offer insights into the interactions between nature and humans. This study aims to explore how various environmental features and phenomena influenced the spatial organization, collective memory, and urban life of ancient Mediterranean cities over the long term, with a particular focus on Aelius Aristides’ accounts of ancient Smyrna.
This article presents an epigraphic analysis and historical examination of seven unpublished inscriptions recorded during an archaeological survey of the Simav district of Kütahya province in 2022, 2023 and 2024. The region was known as Mysia Abbaeitis in antiquity and comprised two main cities: Synaos and Ankyra Sidera. The first text is an honorary inscription to Emperor Traianus, written by the people of Kollenon, a settlement under the jurisdiction of Ankyra Sidera. This is the first epigraphic document to mention the names of Ankyra and Krollenon. It also provides clear evidence of the use of the Actian era in the region. The other inscriptions date from the 1st to 5th centuries AD and consist of two stelai, two bomoi and an ostotheke lid. The relationships between the dedicators and the deceased revealed by the inscriptions offer new insights into the socio-economic structure of Abbaeitis. One inscription belongs to a doctor, while two refer to threptoi.
Two inscriptions naming a certain Mathianes can shed new light on the history of the Bosporus under Queen Dynamis (47/21 BC–AD 7/8). His tombstone depicts him mounted on a horse with a spear, probably hunting. The epitaph (SEG XLV 1018) names basilissa Dynamis as the one who commissioned the tomb. Since she is men-tioned without her epithet Philorhomaios, we can date Mathianes’ death during her first sole reign, 17/6–14 BC, perhaps even in a combat with Polemon. An honorific decree from Tanais is dedicated to his son, whose name is lost (SEG XLV 1023). While previ-ous scholars dated the inscription to the mid- or late-1st century AD, the genealogical link with Mathianes as well as the fragmentary epithet of the anonymous king allows us to date the decree to the short rule of [Polemon Eu]sebes Philokaisar kai Philorhomaios (14–12/8 BC). This benefactor seems to have played a central role in assuaging the king after the Tanaitai had resisted him and thus suffered substantial damage (Str. 11.2.3 [493C]).
The hoard, which is the subject of this study, was acquired by the Burdur Museum collection on December 27, 1971. Museum records indicate that the hoard was found in Gölhisar, which is confirmed by the high concentration of Kibyra coins within the hoard. The hoard, which composed a total of 208 bronze coins, was dated between the second quarter of the 4th century BC and 40 BC, including coins from Rhodos (3), Kibyra (152), the Lykian League (4), Boubon (2), Isinda (3), and Selge (1) coins, as well as 38 unidentified coins. While the obverse and reverse types of three of these unidentified coins can be partially identified, their city of origin could not be determined; however, based on their types, they may belong to the city of Kibyra. Due to the poor condition of the remaining 35 coins, it has not been possible to identify their obverse and reverse types. The hoard contains only small-denomination coins, all of which weigh less than 2 g except for six examples. Given the extensive time span covered, it is understood that the coins of Rhodos and Kibyra, remained in circulation for a considerable duration. The Gölhisar Hoard, which is the subject of this study, provides very important data for the dating and chronology of the Kibyra bronze series. Although the city’s bronze series have not been the subject of detailed study to date, the new dating proposals for the series forming Kibyra’s first bronze series, found within the examined hoard, undoubtedly lay an important foundation for such a study.
This article presents the results of a 2024 rescue excavation conducted by the Bursa Museum Directorate in the Kıranışıklar district (Keles, Bursa) following illicit excavations. The site, likely a public complex dating to the Late Roman-Early Byzantine period, yielded mosaic floors, architectural elements, and various small finds. Two funerary inscribed altars, discovered in 2022 and now in the Bursa Museum, indicate the structure’s later reuse as a necropolis. The first inscription is a funerary epigram of four distichs for an eighteen-year-old youth named Menophantos. The poem emphasizes his sudden death and notes that he „grew up in the lap of Zeus Kersoullos,“ confirming the region’s association with this specific cult (Hadrianoi/Olympene). The second inscription is a standard funerary text commissioned by Papias for his wife, Eias. Both altars, dating to the 2nd or 3rd century AD, attest to the Roman-period necropolis at the site and offer important insights into the Late Antique settlement patterns of the region.
This article presents two newly discovered inscriptions. During stream improvement works conducted by the State Hydraulic Works (= DSİ, in Turkish) in 2024, two stelae were discovered in the village of Aşağıçaylı (formerly Nasuhlar), located in the Yenipazar district of Bilecik province (see Map). One of these stelae is approximately 3.30 m high, monumental in scale, and was erected in the 17th year of the Emperor Septimius Severus’ reign. The stele bears an honorary inscription that offers new insights into the political life of the city of Nikaia. Notably, it reveals the existence of a previously unknown settlement: ὁ δῆμος Σαγελλειτων. In the inscription, the demos of the Sagelleitoi honours their benefactor, Menestheus, and his wife, Gauriane, while referencing Menestheus’ role as chief archon in Nikaia. Additionally, the stele names the archon Tatas as an eponym for dating purposes. Alongside Tatas, the chosen (archons?) for the subsequent year are listed, a unique feature, as no other inscriptions from Nikaia or its territory have previously documented such references to “appointed” officials. The second stele is fragmentary, and its exact purpose remains unclear. However, it again mentions the demos of the Sagelleitoi, suggesting it may have been erected either as a votive offering or an honorary one.
Eponym and fabricant names are key elements commonly found on amphora stamps in the Hellenistic period; while the function and identity of eponyms are relatively well understood, those of fabricants remain ambiguous. Traditionally, fabricant names have been linked to the production of amphorae or their contents. However, our recent research on the stamps of double-barreled Koan amphora handles suggests a new perspective on their role. Focusing on the case of Lochos the second most common name on Koan amphora stamps—attested on 112 stamps impressed by 30 dies—this article argues that fabricants can be identified through the subdisciplines of amphora studies, numismatics, and epigraphy. Building on the works of J. Bauschatz and E. Lanciers, an analysis of the honors, titles, privileges, and responsibilities associated with Lochos makes it possible to identify him as the historical figure actively involved in the food supply under Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II. This paper challenges the conventional view that fabricants were producers, arguing instead that they were prominent and privileged figures of their time.
This article presents a new agonistic inscription belonging to Dioteimos, son of Artemon, from Termessos. Ferit Baz discovered the inscription on the colonnaded street during the epigraphic survey conducted in Termessos in 2017. It mentions the names of Dioteimos, son of Artemon, who won the wrestling competition in the boys’ category, and the proboulos Hermaios. According to Heberdey’s stemma, the inscription is dated to ca. AD 180, as proboulos Hermaios is listed as belonging to the seventh generation. The most famous place in the city to erect monuments was the colonnaded street (as a locus celeberrimus) where the wrestlers also seem to have had favorable locations for their monuments. The most interesting situation of the pedestal is that the inscribed surface is not oriented towards the street. The inscribed surface faces the other architectural elements on the side. It is most likely that the pedestal of the statue was turned on its side in antiquity for unknown reasons. In this rotated state, the inscription is difficult to see and read. This situation is unusual since most inscriptions in and around the colonnaded street in Termessos are in situ. The pedestal of the statue is probably in its original position. However, this sideways rotation must have significantly diminished the representational value of the honorific monument. On the other hand, the Termessians must have been aware of the importance of the visual presence of their statues and their pedestals. The fact that the pedestal has been rotated in this way suggests that there may have been some changes in the erection and positioning of the pedestals on the colonnaded street at Termessos. This situation should always be taken into consideration.
More than fifty years ago, a Greek-Sidetic votive inscription known as the Euempolos Bilingual (S6 = I.1.3) was uncovered in the ancient city of Lyrbe. The poor condition of the stone’s surface, along with the low quality of the available photographs, has hindered a reliable reading of some parts of the inscription. The Sidetic adaptation of the dedicator’s name, corresponding to the Greek PN Εὐέμπολος, is the most damaged section, as two deep fractures have caused the loss of the lower strokes of the central letters. In addition, since this personal name is a hapax, no comparisons are available for its reconstruction within the Sidetic corpus. These challenges have presented scholars from reaching a conclusive explanation. After reviewing the various proposals put forward thus far, I will conduct an epigraphic analysis of this name and suggest a new reading based on the identification of the second letter as sign no. 6 w. Despite representing the most suitable candidate from a palaeographic point of view, this sign was never considered at the time the text was established, as its phonetic value had not been correctly deciphered. The proposed new reading also offers, in my opinion, a more phonologically appropriate form, since it is more economical compared to the Greek counterpart and more consistent with Sidetic evidence. Moreover, it is likely to be closer to the neighbouring Pamphylian Greek dialect, as is often the case with Greek onomastic adaptations in this language.
The paper examines an unexpected fibula find from the Bahçelievler (in Bilecik) site, notable for its Neolithic artifacts. A bronze fibula bearing a button attachment was discovered during salvage excavations at this small yet highly significant site in inland Northwestern Anatolia. The fibula, discovered beside a collection of pottery, an unidentified wall, and burnt soil, is among the few Rhodian fibulae recorded in literature. The fibula, deposited as part of a burial custom, is the earliest known instance in the area and signifies the northernmost location of this fibula type. The discovery of a Rhodian fibula in an area significantly inland from the shore indicates mobility between the two regions. Despite the Phrygian type being the predominant fibula group in the region, the presence of this particular type of fibula, significant for its representation of national identity, has been attributed to a woman buried in Bahçelievler who may have arrived through intermarriage.
In this article, the first edition of an unpublished Luwian inscription (İVRİZ 2) on a lower part – upper part lost or destroyed – of limestone stele, which was found in İvriz (today Aydınkent), Ereğli-Konya in 1986, now kept in Ereğli Museum, of the 8th century BCE is presented. The author of the inscription is Warpalawa, Tuwanean King, son of Muwaharani I. It was revealed in the text that the name of İvriz spring was Salusa (Sallusa in cuneiform sources). The Anatolian hieroglyphic Luwian text occupies on the obverse (A) in front of the Tarhunza relief, on the upper half of the reverse (C) and upper part of the right narrow side (D) of the stele and the badly damaged Phoenician text covers the left side (B), lower part of reverse (*C) and lower part of right narrow side (*D). The Phoenician inscription presumably bilingual to the Luwian text or its shorter version.
Recent epigraphic findings from the territory of Phaselis, including funerary inscriptions obtained through field surveys in the district of Palamut at Hisarçandır in 2018 and excavation results from Idyros in 2024, provide critical new evidence for understanding the city’s religious administration and territorial boundaries. Both inscriptions presented in this article uniquely refer to Athena as the recipient agent of funerary fine regarded as the city’s principal deity as responsible for payments. However, the inscription from Idyros mentions god Hephaistos alongside Athena - notably without the epithet “Polias” – as the recipient agents of fine colection. This distinction invites a comprehensive investigation and analysis of the territorial boundaries of the city of Phaselis throughout its historical development. In order to understand the underlying reasons for this phenomenon, the study first undertakes a comprehensive chronological examination of the territorial boundaries within the historical development of the city of Phaselis. Prior to analyzing the inscriptions themselves, the research addresses the locations where these inscriptions were discovered and contextualizes them within the historical territorial limits of Phaselis. Subsequently, the cults of Athena and Hephaistos within the relevant hinterland are examined. Through this approach, the study aims to shed light on the influence of religious cults on urban boundaries and political structures, revealing the complex networks of interaction that characterized Phaselis and its surrounding region.
This article aims to present a stele with an inscription purchased in France by its current owner, an antique dealer from Alicante, Spain. The combination of the stele's structural characteristics with its iconography and text allows it to be attributed without a doubt to the ancient Syrian city of Zeugma, now Belkıs in Turkey. The piece is published here with epigraphic and iconographic analysis. Special mention is made of the anthroponym and the funerary formula, which allows for two possible interpretations, and particular attention is paid to the iconography of the funerary eagle, a recurring motif on male funerary steles from this city in Roman times. The existing theories on the possible interpretation of the motif – cultic, related to the past life of the deceased or related to the afterlife – are discussed, considering the epigraphic formula and iconographic parallels from Asia Minor. Taking into account the historical and geographical context of Zeugma, it is concluded that the motif possibly represents the deceased in the afterlife, although the inhabitants of Zeugma would also see in it a symbol of the principal male god, as protector, and a symbol of identity for the city that was home to two Roman legions.
This article presents the text of a neglected inscription from Skepsis in the Troad. Walther Judeich published a drawing of the text in 1898, but did not provide a text. Louis Robert recognised it to be an honorific decree for a phrourarch, but otherwise it has attracted very little interest. It is here proposed that a Seleucid regnal dating formula can be restored in lines 2-3 and a reference to ‘barbarians’, which here must refer to Galatians, can be restored in line 6. The inscription therefore provides evidence of the Galatian War directly affecting Skepsis and belongs to the small dossier of evidence for the impact of the Galatians on north-western Asia Minor c. 277-275. The Antiocheia festival at Skepsis, known from a decree dated c. 200 and thus traditionally thought to have been founded for Antiochus III, may in fact have been established in the aftermath of the Galatian War in honour of Antiochus I.
