When might interest groups normally lobbying the top level of government choose to lobby lower levels? Little research focuses on this kind of multivenue lobbying, so in this paper I study patterns of national group advocacy in the American states using data from 2006 to 2020. While it is rare for national groups to lobby state governments, some do. Why? My explanation draws on the idea that sometimes national groups need to lobby when opportunities present themselves coupled with their ability to lobby. I find that it is business-oriented associations that are more likely to lobby than cause-oriented citizen groups, but that advocacy resources are also an important motivator as is federal spending in the states or high levels of state corporate taxation. While the partisan leanings of state lawmakers do not matter much, party polarization does, with all national groups more likely to lobby a polarized state legislature.
The study draws on original biographical data for 267 individuals in leadership positions in Norwegian interest groups and identifies 400 career transfer events. Distinguishing between intra-sectoral transfers within the education domain and inter-sectoral transfers across policy domains, the study shows that, within the observed population of interest group leaders, leaders with prior experience in policymaking environments, including state organizations and interest groups, are particularly prominent among employed leaders, reflecting the strategic recruitment of individuals with insider knowledge and governance expertise. Building on actor homophily and professionalization perspectives, the study further demonstrates how organizational- and individual-level factors (type of interest the group represents and type of position, respectively) shape transfer patterns. Leaders representing employees and providers of education services are more likely to remain within the same sector, reinforcing professional continuity and domain-specific expertise, whereas leaders representing beneficiaries exhibit greater inter-sectoral mobility, reflecting more heterogeneous recruitment pathways. Employed leaders display higher inter-sectoral mobility and elected leaders remain more embedded within their sectoral domain. While based on Norway, the findings have broader relevance for corporatist and welfare-state systems and offer comparative insights for pluralist settings.
Research suggests that lobbyists derive value from both political connections—“whom they know”—and issue expertise—“what they know”—but that connections generally command the larger premium. This study examines whether those market premiums vary across the policy agenda. Drawing on resource-dependence theory, we argue that clients value different lobbying resources depending on the constraints they face within a given issue domain. Using nearly 600,000 U.S. federal lobbying reports from 1998 to 2017, we examine how the premiums associated with lobbyists’ connections and expertise vary across domains that differ in size, technical complexity, and partisan conflict. We find that connections carry a persistent premium and generally outweigh expertise in magnitude. The premiums associated with both connections and expertise are higher in larger domains and in more technically complex domains, where clients face greater constraints on access and information. However, expertise receives a lower premium in highly partisan domains, while the evidence that partisan conflict changes the connection premium is less robust. Together, these findings suggest that clients place different market values on lobbying resources as the political constraints they face vary across issue-domain environments.
