This article marks the first instalment of a study examining the palaeography and phonology of rr and r in Khotanese. The palaeographic origin of the former has long been debated. Initially transliterated as < rr > by Ernst Leumann, its emergence as a ligature of two rs has been challenged by modern scholars. This study adopts a comprehensive approach, integrating palaeography, orthography, and linguistic classification. It traces the development of these graphemes from their earliest attested forms in manuscripts written in Archaic Orthography and Early Turkestan Br & amacr;hmi types 1 and 2, as well as other early script types. The investigation spans six centuries, charting the evolution of both the Book and Documentary Scripts of Khotanese. The study incudes a comparative analysis with other Central Asian Br & amacr;hmi scripts, particularly those used for Sanskrit and Tocharian. The findings support the claim that < rr > is indeed a ligature and reveal that there was no dependent as the second component of ligatures in Khotanese Br & amacr;hmi. Instead, two distinct variants of dependent emerged in southern Turkestan Br & amacr;hmi, both of which became integral to the Khotanese script. Through this palaeographic investigation, the evolution and specific uses of rr and r in various contexts are documented, providing new insights into the writing traditions of Khotanese Br & amacr;hmi over time.
From the Yuan to the Qing dynasties, Europeans wrote various notes concerning the use of official seals in everyday life: seals on doors and packaging, or court seals. It was not until the Kangxi (1662-1722) and Yongzheng (1723-1735) eras that two Jesuits were able to describe the system of imperial and official seals with any degree of precision. The first was the Portuguese Gabriel de Magaillans (1609-1677), who manufactured and maintained European clocks and astronomical instruments at the court of Beijing and was the author of the Nouvelle relation de la Chine, published in 1688. The second was Jean-Baptiste du Halde (1674-1743), who edited the Lettres & eacute;difiantes et curieuses from Paris and published the Description de la Chine in 1735. Both devoted one or two pages to the system of seals, both imperial and administrative. However, du Halde was also interested in ancient coins, archaic inscriptions and a Ming banknote bearing an official seal, for which Fran & ccedil;ois-Xavier d'Entrecolles (1664-1741) was his main source of information. While their data are basically accurate when interpreting elaborate and minute regulations, these scholars couldn't avoid some mistakes or looseness. Each author retains his own style and priorities, which gives the two descriptions a different tone.
This article provides a new etymology of the name of the Rouran, or Ruanruan (330 AD-555 AD), which is attested in Chinese dynastic histories as *Nunar/*Nunan (sic), *Nonnor/*Nonnon (sic), *Noinoi (sic), *Nunor/*Nunon (sic), *Nono (sic). The author connects this name with Khitan *naw '(younger) sibling; younger relative' and Proto-Mongolic *nuxu/n, the Tabghach cognate of which can be regularly reconstructed as *nu or *no. A conclusion is made that this *nu similar to *no was borrowed from Tabghach by the Rouran for their self-name, which fits perfectly for a term reflecting their claim for a common origin with the Northern Wei emperors. The forms *Nunar/*Nunan, *Nonnor/*Nonnon, and *Nunor/*Nunon may be analyzed as *nu similar to *no 'younger sibling; younger relative' plus the plural suffix *+nar/*+nan or *+nor/*+non. The forms *Nono and *Noinoi appear to be reduplications that are occasionally observed in Turkic, Mongolic and Tungusic languages as an expression of plurality, collectivity, or distributiveness.
This paper explores the role of Syriac Christian clergy networks in facilitating the exchange of technical and scientific knowledge between the Middle East, Central Asia, and Tang China. A striking example is the presentation of ingenious devices by Persian Christian monks at the Tang court at the beginning of the eighth century. This episode is significant for several reasons. First, it demonstrates that the Christian networks were not limited to the spread of religious ideas but also transmitted technical expertise. Second, it raises questions about the use of mechanical devices for religious and missionary purposes. Finally, it provides evidence for the circulation of mechanical science in the late antique and early medieval Middle East and Central Asia, despite the limited availability of literary, iconographic, and archaeological sources.
The paper discusses a range of philosophical concepts, considered fundamental in Western philosophy, such as being, substance, essence and identity (numerical identity and self-identity) the way they are (in)applicable to Buddhist Idealist (Yog & amacr;c & amacr;ra) philosophy. The paper also analyses a possible correspondence of the concepts and analogous terms in Western and Indian philosophies and points to their very problematic overlap. The analysis focuses on works written by or ascribed to Vasubandhu as a Yog & amacr;c & amacr;ra teacher, and discusses the various shades of the ideas of anti-substantialism, anti-essentialism, contingent causality and emptiness developed within the framework of idealist, monist model of ontology. Is it possible for Yog & amacr;c & amacr;ra to find a secure foundation for knowledge of what ultimately exists? Certainly, any kind of the first-person account, involving epistemic (subject-object) dualism, of the traditional cogito, ergo sum will not do.
