The precariat is a new social category that exists in all countries around the world and consists of people who work in the gig economy and/or are employed under civil law contracts. One of the key factors that determines membership of the precariat is the uncertainty felt by individuals in the labour market as a result of, inter alia, being employed on flexible forms. The research aim of this article is to define the specificity of the Polish precariat and their sense of social security in the context of the current employment support and social policy of the Polish government. The utilitarian goal is to evaluate the “Polish Deal” programme currently proposed by the Polish government in terms of its strengths and weaknesses in order to reduce the precariat phenomenon and boost the Polish precariat’s sense of social security. The article also attempts to demonstrate the effects of actions taken by the Polish government since 2015, which were aimed at improving the situation on the precariat labour market. In order to determine the extent to which the current government in Poland affects the social security of the precariat and satisfies their needs by taking social welfare action and implementing indirect operations related to education, a questionnaire was used, conducted via the Internet, involving a survey panel of respondents. In this study, a stratified-quota sample selection was used, corresponding to the proportions of people working on the basis of various flexible forms of fixed-term employment and self-employment. One thousand respondents employed on flexible terms participated in the study. The study was carried out at the turn of March/April 2021.
Several studies have examined the humanitarian Civil-Military Cooperation (CIMIC) in post-conflict environments. However, there has been limited focus on establishing and making available an institutional setup for child welfare, which harnesses CIMIC experiences in the post-conflict rehabilitation phase. This paper aims to address this gap in the Newly Merged Districts (NMDs) of Pakistan, where the local population experienced a series of crises in the form of terrorism, subsequent military operations, and conflict-induced internal displacement, making children, in particular, extremely vulnerable. In doing so, the paper outlines the underreported vulnerabilities related to the children of NMDs and further identifies the related institutional dynamics of CIMIC in the immediate post-conflict environment. The key findings encompass the delineation of direct and indirect vulnerabilities and the identification of a lack of distinction between child welfare and protection for adequate redressal policies. Regarding the pre-existing institutional infrastructure, the study confirms the prominent role of national and international development organizations and further validates the discord between relevant government departments in providing child welfare services. Furthermore, this research argues that the Pakistan military deployed throughout the former Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) effectively utilized the pre-existing social-tribal hierarchy to provide protection and development services. The research suggests that the Provincial Disaster Management Authority (PDMA), specifically through its Gender and Child Cell, collaborates closely with the Social Welfare Department, which is responsible for providing child protection and welfare services in the post-merger environment. The objective of this collaborative effort is to facilitate the effective and practical implementation of Child Protection Units (CPUs) in the NMDs.
Elections have generally been recognized as the most democratic means of establishing governments. However, whereas Ghana has seen a remarkable increase in the occurrence of elections in the post-third wave period, this democratic gain has been battered by a corresponding proliferation in the incidence of electoral-related violence in certain parts of the country before, during and after elections. This study intends to contribute to the existing literature on the intersection between democracy, electoral violence and human security in Ghana and Africa at large by exploring the effect of such violence on human security in the Odododioidio constituency in the Greater Region of Ghana. Drawing mainly on qualitative data generated through group discussions and in-depth interviews, the study revealed seven key human security concerns that are undermined by electoral violence in the study location. The paper proposes interventions that could contribute significantly to avert the situation.
Within vivacious international relations, human rights dictums developed whilst racing to advance offensive and defensive capacities. Lately, artificial intelligence (AI) systems have been utilized in the spectrum of these advancements. This has led to a new form of arms race and human rights abuses whilst resisting any attempt to conclude a binding regulation in developing or using AI technology, and although AI has been a frontline issue in many disciplines from various angles, it nonetheless has not been as much in the legal profession, and specifically in international law. The unprecedented AI technology changes, despite the many advantages, alarms the need to continuously explore its impact within various aspects of international law. The absence of a conclusive international threshold for AI development and use might cause hindering international relations if international law orthodoxies in humanitarian law and human rights become improperly effected. Accordingly, this paper examines whether there is a need to develop the existing international legal order, whether directly or indirectly, and suggest establishing an IGO entity with a mandate to reshape rules and embedded values in the face of a rapid AI technological advancement.
Using descriptive and analytical legal research, this study analyses the relationship between the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) and sustainable human security. It involves critically analysing the rules on the prohibition of nuclear weapons and what has been written and argued regarding human security and sustainable human security. The findings indicate that the TPNW consists of legal obligations for all state parties to abolish nuclear weapons as a prerequisite to permanent human security. It also comprises provisions for achieving sustainable human security. Therefore, the total ban on nuclear weapons is meant to protect human security and sustain it by eliminating the factors of insecurity of human beings due to the threat of using nuclear weapons.
