
This article analyses the characteristics of the repression of anarchism in Spain at the end of the 19th century. It focuses on the Montjuic Trial, in which the young republican lawyer Pere Coromines was implicated, accused of being one of the instigators of the anarchist attack that took place in Barcelona on 7 June 1896. An analysis of his case will reveal that the main objective of this repression was to eliminate any threat to the stability of the Restoration regime. One of these threats seemed to be the link established between certain intellectual circles and certain sectors of anarchism, with Coromines being one of the most paradigmatic cases in this regard. A convinced defender of the value of culture and education as instruments of social transformation, his propaganda activism led him to undertake campaigns to acculturate anarchist militants. The research is based on Coromines' extensive and little-known personal documentation. Other sources have also been studied, such as some of his literary and autobiographical works, especially Las prisiones imaginarias, the period press used occasionally, and works written by some contemporaries.
This article aims to analyse the position adopted by the organisation Mujeres de Acci & oacute;n Cat & oacute;lica (Women of the Catholic Action, MAC) in Spain during the Transition and the consolidation of democracy. Despite experiencing a strong identity crisis during those years, this did not prevent the MAC from seeking different ways of participating in the feminist movement. This study will therefore explore how the women in this organisation-mostly from the middle class-internalised, adapted to, and responded to two ambivalent sets of discourses: those of the feminist movement on one hand, and those of the ecclesiastical hierarchy on the other. The main sources used are the MAC bulletin Militante, encyclicals and pastoral letters issued by the Church hierarchy, and archival materials related to the feminist movement.
Nineteenth-century historiography has dealt with death through a social and demographic lens. However, interest is increasingly broadening towards other issues, such as post-mortem photography and the material culture linked to death. The aim of this paper is to explore another of these lines of analysis: the emotional experience of the death of family members and, in particular, of children. To that end, the Madrazo family of artists and intellectuals will be taken as a case-study. Thanks to the family correspondence digitised by the Museo del Prado, we have access to an extensive epistolary material that shows us how a bourgeois family experienced an event of such importance; how the nature of suffering was understood; how the mourning process was channelled; and, ultimately, how a reality was accepted which was no less painful for being frequent (given the high levels of infant mortality).
The Francoist authorities circumscribed women to the domestic space, subordinating their rights and duties to their role as wives and mothers. Bearing in mind the significance of this space in gender studies, the main objective of this research is to analyse the violence exercised against women in the Francoist marriage institution. Based on a hitherto unexplored source, the clinical documentation of a psychiatric hospital, we will analyse 23 cases of gender-based violence. In these cases, we have been able to confirm different modalities of violence, exercised in a gradual and combined way, including physical, verbal and psychological aggressions. We also explore the strategies these women resorted to in order to survive their husbands' violence and resist a society and laws that condemned them to be the perfect wives of their tormentors.
The Russian Revolution of 1917 had a profound impact on Spanish socialism, opening a cycle of ideological tensions that led to the third-internationalist split and the birth of organised communism. This article examines its reception in Valladolid, a peripheral setting of third-international ism where the hegemony of moderate and reformist socialism limited the implantation of Bolshevism. Using press and bibliographic sources, it analyses how the revolution was interpreted, opposed, or appropriated by different local political actors-from bourgeois sectors to the proletariat-and how it influenced labour unrest during the period. The study focuses on the Socialist Group of Valladolid, its Youth, the local UGT trade union, and above all the third-internationalist nuclei that emerged from within, highlighting the limits and possibilities of their influence in a peripheral context such as Valladolid, where the specific features of the reception of the October Revolution shaped a political marginality that conditioned their subsequent development, later transformed into the communist movement.