Este artículo explora las posibilidades de futuro de Groenlandia como causa directa del interés estadounidense en la región y analiza la alteración de las dinámicas clásicas de dependencia-rivalidad entre Dinamarca y Groenlandia ante la perspectiva de una injerencia de Washington. Partiendo de los datos electorales del referéndum de autonomía de 1979 y del autogobierno conseguido en 2008, y terminando con los recientes acontecimientos ligados al segundo mandato de Donald Trump, se analizan los documentos oficiales y planes estratégicos de Dinamarca y Groenlandia y el seguimiento de las poblaciones nativas mayoritarias reflejadas en la publicación Mundo Indígena. Con ello, este texto contribuye a dar respuesta a sí es posible una independencia real de Groenlandia, si supone una oportunidad o una transición colonial-neocolonial, y qué papel jugaría, en tal caso, la administración estadounidense
The cooperation between Indonesia and China in the downstream bauxite industry reflects the dynamic interaction between national policy and foreign direct investment (FDI) in the extractive sector. This article uses the Eclectic Paradigm Model (Ownership, Location, Internalisation) to analyse cooperation and understand the motives and mechanisms behind Chinese companies' investments in Indonesia's bauxite processing industry. The research takes a qualitative, descriptive-analytical approach, applying thematic coding techniques to secondary data from policy documents, corporate reports and academic literature. The findings reveal that Chinese companies possess ownership-specific advantages, such as capital and technology. Indonesia, meanwhile, offers a strategic location with abundant bauxite reserves and downstream policy incentives and internationalisation incentives that enable cost efficiency and the protection of intangible assets. While this cooperation has accelerated Indonesia's bauxite industrialisation and increased its national economic value added, it also raises challenges related to foreign technological dominance and long-term investment dependence.
Indonesia has taken a bold step in its arms procurement strategy, particularly during the final strategic planning phase of the Minimum Essential Force (MEF) programme between 2019 and 2024. During this period, it acquired the medium-range surface-to-air missile (SAM) HISAR-O, the anti-ship missile (AShM) Atmaca, and the long-range surface-to-surface missile (SSM) Bora, all of which are manufactured by Turkey. This marked Indonesia’s first ever purchase of Turkish-made missiles, simultaneously positioning Indonesia as the first foreign buyer of these systems outside of Turkey. This article employs the Opportunity and Willingness Framework to analyse the decision-making process, while the research methodology is based on Causal Process Tracing (CPT). The article's central argument is that Indonesia's bold decision was driven by a convergence of opportunity shaped by the international structural environment and willingness stemming from domestic factors within Indonesia.
This article uses the lens of Feminist Institutionalism to examine Indonesia’s UNSC presidency and its sponsorship of Resolution 2538 on women in peacekeeping. Addressing the paradox of a patriarchal state championing a global feminist norm, the article argues that Indonesia’s advocacy represents instrumental norm entrepreneurship, leveraging the WPS agenda for prestige rather than transformation. The analysis reveals how the resolution’s substance was diluted by geopolitical resistance and a consensus-driven 'logic of appropriateness', while domestic scrutiny shows a stark disconnect between Indonesia’s international rhetoric and the masculine hegemony embedded in its military and politics. The findings demonstrate that the institutionalisation of norms is a contested process susceptible to co-optation. For middle powers, the WPS agenda can serve as a form of soft power, yielding performative compliance that fails to disrupt patriarchal structures either abroad or at home. This case study highlights the limitations of state-led feminist foreign policy in the absence of genuine domestic reform.
El salafismo madjalí, corriente quietista articulada en torno a las enseñanzas de Rabīʿ ibn Hādī al‑Madjalī, ha adquirido en la Libia pos‑2011 una influencia desproporcionada gracias a su penetración en los aparatos de seguridad y en instituciones religiosas. A partir de literatura académica, documentación doctrinal e informes internacionales, el artículo analiza cómo redes y cuadros madjalíes han consolidado posiciones en unidades clave —en particular la Fuerza Especial de Disuasión (RADA) en Trípoli y formaciones vinculadas al Ejército Nacional Libio/Fuerzas Armadas Árabes Libias en el este— combinando acciones de coerción, control moral y adoctrinamiento religioso. Aunque a menudo se presentan como aliados útiles en la lucha antiterrorista, su expansión se asocia con prácticas de control social, represión de expresiones religiosas rivales —tanto sufíes como Hermanos Musulmanes— y denuncias de vulneraciones de derechos civiles. El estudio contribuye a explicar cómo estas dinámicas refuerzan tendencias desestabilizadoras en la Libia actual.
