This study investigates trends in the conceptualization, methods and analysis of kinship throughout the corpus of bioarchaeological research from the pre-Hispanic Andes in recent years (since 2000). Building on a summary of key shifts in archaeogenetics and definitions of foundational concepts like ayllu social organization and relationship kinship in the Indigenous Americas, the study carries out bibliometric analysis of four methods-based search strings. The resulting corpus (N=25 publications) is analysed for word frequency and correlation to understand how kinship analysis has changed through time, across cultures and contexts and according to methods used within bioarchaeology. Results show that explicit testing of kinship-related hypotheses has remained somewhat steady across aDNA, biodistance, cranial vault modification (CVM) and isotopic studies-especially for foundational bioarchaeology journals-and may be experiencing a resurgence. However, household and community levels of kinship were often excluded from study conceptualization and research questions. Results suggest isotopic analysis can augment archaeogenetic and morphometric approaches to understanding how common geography and substance consumption constitute kin groups. Collaborative, multi-correlate databases of archaeological individuals are proposed to advance kinship studies in Andean bioarchaeology.

This study examines geographic origins of basketry, animal and human grave offerings (including a feline trophy head, camelid bone instruments and human trophy heads) interred as grave goods at the cemetery of Uraca in the Majes Valley, Arequipa, Peru during the Early Intermediate Period to Middle Horizon ( c. 100 bce –750 ce ). We aim to identify whether any of these human or non-human beings or artifacts were non-local to the Majes Valley and explore the ontologically informed meanings underlying the incorporation of geographically distant beings and things into mortuary landscapes. We report new grave good 87 Sr/ 86 Sr (n = 36) relative to published data from Uraca human trophy heads and non-trophy individuals (n = 55). Defining the local 87 Sr/ 86 Sr range as the mean ±2σ of the non-trophy and non-camelid or small home-range fauna, we compare the proportions of non-local outliers between plant, animal and human grave-offering types. The 87 Sr/ 86 Sr range of all new samples is 0.70609–0.70954, encompassing the 87 Sr/ 86 Sr variability of much of southern Peru from the coast to the highlands. Nearly half of camelids, the feline trophy, most camelid whistles and one basketry sample were non-local, suggesting that assembling beings and things from both local and distant geographies was an important aspect of making the mortuary landscape.

The study diagnoses a cleft lip/palate (CLP) of an Andean trophy head from exhibition catalogues, considers how CLP impacts biological sex and age-at-death estimation, and reconstructs how this maldevelopment contributed to health and social status outcomes. A unilateral left lip cleft is confirmed for this probable young adult male trophy head - the first case of CLP in an Andean trophy, and at best, the sixth case identified from remains in the region. Synthesis of published Andean ceramic vessels (n = 30) with CLP from a comprehensive museum and literature review corroborates that individuals with CLP often obtained priestly status in the coastal Andes. El estudio diagn & oacute;stico labio/paladar hendido (LPH) en una cabeza trofeo andina a partir de cat & aacute;logos de exhibici & oacute;n, considera c & oacute;mo el LPH afecta la estimaci & oacute;n del sexo biol & oacute;gico y la edad al momento de la muerte, y reconstruye c & oacute;mo este desarrollo an & oacute;malo contribuy & oacute; a los resultados de salud y estatus social. Se confirma una hendidura labial unilateral izquierda en esta probable cabeza trofeo de un joven adulto masculino - el primer caso de LPH en una cabeza trofeo andina y solo el cuarto identificado en restos de la regi & oacute;n. La s & iacute;ntesis de vasos cer & aacute;micos andinos publicados (n = 30) con LPH, a partir de una revisi & oacute;n exhaustiva de museos y literatura, corrobora que los individuos con LPH a menudo obten & iacute;an un estatus sacerdotal en la costa andina.

Objectives: This study examines mobility adaptations to a time of sociopolitical tumult in the ancient Andes. We examine 87Sr/86Sr variability in human burials (n = 21) dating to the Late Intermediate Period ("LIP," ca. 1100-1450 CE) in the Sihuas Valley, Arequipa, Peru. The LIP in the southern and central Peruvian Andes is characterized as a time of drought, inter-community violence, and balkanization. Grave goods reflect ties to the nearby highlands, so we examine whether any Quilcapampa burials were non-locals and characterize their intra-lifetime mobility. Materials and Methods: We report 87Sr/86Sr values from tooth enamel samples (n = 35) reflecting residential origins during three distinct periods during early-life, and bone (n = 12) reflecting origins averaged over the last years of life. We use 87Sr/86Sr isobiographies to identify individuals who were likely non-local to Quilcapampa at some point in their lifetimes. Because there are no extreme outliers, we define the cumulative local range as mean +/- 2 sigma of archaeological human samples, extended by the range of water 87Sr/86Sr within 10 km. We determine the proportion of probable non-locals and compare this and intra-lifetime mobility within Quilcapampa subgroups and between neighboring sites. Results: Two males from the northern sector exhibit non-local 87Sr/86Sr values, and the northern sector has a higher mean intra-lifetime 87Sr/86Sr range than the southern sector. Only 4.5% of burials exhibit non-local 87Sr/86Sr values at some point in their lifetimes-higher than contemporaneous highland sites, but low mid-elevation Arequipa valleys. Quilcapampa, however, shows a higher mean intra-lifetime 87Sr/86Sr range compared to neighboring mid-valley sites, possibly reflecting adaptive short-term mobility. Conclusion: Mobility for Quilcapampa individuals was likely constrained to nearby mid-valley communities and highlands, rather than long-distance travel. Immigrants likely leveraged pre-existing intra-regional mobility networks between neighboring valleys with similar geological characteristics. Tweetable Summary: 87Sr/86Sr isobiographies show limited intra-lifetime mobility in LIP Sihuas Valley, Peru.

Imperial expansion can have substantial impacts on the daily and long-term activities of colonized regions. However, statecraft can vary depending on local resilience and the decisions made by agropastoralists and other economic collectives. We explore how Wari expansion affected, and was affected by, pastoralists' activities by examining the isotopic variation of camelid bone, teeth, and hair (or fibres) at three mid-valley (yunga) (500-2300 masl) sites in the Majes and Sihuas valleys of southern Peru. We report stable delta C-13 and delta N-15 isotopic compositions (n = 34) of keratin from previously published serial samples of camelid (Lama sp./Vicugna sp.) fibre from the site of Beringa in the Majes Valley, delta C-13 and delta N-15 values of bone collagen (n = 6) and delta C-13 values from tooth enamel bioapatite (n = 65) from Uraca in the Majes Valley, and delta C-13 and delta N-15 values of bone collagen (n = 30) from Quilcapampa in the Sihuas Valley. We compare diets between sites and between development phases of individual animals. Extensive networks of inter-valley trails connected neighboring yunga communities and camelid caravans enabled the exchange of goods and ideas. Stable isotope analysis of camelids from these three sites suggests that yunga communities in the Majes and Sihuas valleys were engaged in both highland and coastal camelid-caravan networks prior to Wari expansion that permitted local communities to maintain foddering flexibility. Herders maintained these networks into the Wari era, while also taking advantage of new trading opportunities as they became available.

The Late Intermediate period in the south-central Andes is known for the widespread use of open sepulchres called chullpas by descent-based ayllus to claim rights to resources and express idealized notions of how society should be organized. Chullpas, however, were rarer on the coast, with the dead often buried individually in closed tombs. This article documents conditions under which these closed tombs were used at the site of Quilcapampa on the coastal plain of southern Peru, allowing an exploration into the ways that funerary traditions were employed to both reflect and generate community affiliation, ideals about sociopolitical organization, and land rights. After a long hiatus, the site was reoccupied and quickly expanded through local population aggregation and highland migrations. An ayllu organization that made ancestral claims to specific resources was poorly suited to these conditions, and the site's inhabitants instead seem to have organized themselves around the ruins of Quilcapampa's earlier occupation. In describing what happened in Quilcapampa, we highlight the need for a better understanding of the myriad ways that Andean peoples used mortuary customs to structure the lives of the living during a period of population movements and climate change.

Throughout much of the pre-Hispanic Andes, bioarchaeological and iconographic evidence shows that the decapitation, dismemberment, and display of human heads were important aspects of ritual practices. Researchers have debated about the social identities of these decapitated heads—were they revered local ancestors, non-local enemies captured in raids or war, or locals injured in distant combat partially repatriated for home burial—answers which have distinct implications for understanding the motivations and social contexts of this practice. We describe trophy-taking and trophy-making from the Uraca cemetery in pre-Hispanic Arequipa, Peru. To determine whether these trophies were locals, we employ radiogenic isotope analyses (87Sr/86Sr, 206Pb/204Pb, 207Pb/204Pb, 208Pb/204Pb) of tooth enamel from 37 individuals (25 non-trophies and 12 adult male trophies). To understand the degree of childhood mobility that occurred and whether that differed between individuals who became trophies and those who did not, we also examine 87Sr/86Sr, 206Pb/204Pb, 207Pb/204Pb, 208Pb/204Pb in paired teeth from infancy/early childhood and middle childhood of 18 individuals (8 non-trophies and 10 trophies). Results show that 20% of the non-trophies and 75% of the trophies were non-local relative to modeled local 87Sr/86Sr and mean (± 2 SD) of lead isotope values. Intra-childhood differences show that the individuals who became trophies experienced more childhood mobility than non-trophy individuals. This suggests Uraca’s external interactions and mobility were structured by violent intergroup raids and warfare throughout the region. Ongoing analyses will extend Uraca’s residential isobiographies to adolescence and late-life, refine the expected range of isotope ratios in the region, and clarify the extent of Majes Valley mobility during the mid-first millennium CE.

Objectives: This study aims to determine whether adults from the site of Uraca in the Lower Majes Valley, Arequipa, Peru altered their diets in late-life-if so, were those short-term changes related to accessing distinct foods during periods of short-term mobility, seasonal subsistence strategies without accompanying mobility, or some other type of short-term change. We address these questions by comparing stable isotope variability (delta C-13/delta N-15) of Uraca hair keratin and bone collagen to published archaeological hair data from Peru. We propose and apply a landscape bioarchaeology approach-here, the spatially-informed meta-analysis of published delta C-13/delta N-15 data from archaeological hair keratin of known provenience-to determine thresholds for different types of short-term dietary change. Materials and methods: We conducted stable isotope analysis (delta C-13/delta N-15) of archaeological hair keratin (n = 40 samples) and bone collagen (n = 5 samples) from Uraca, including adult male trophy heads and adult male and female villagers. We then compiled published archaeological hair keratin data from the Andes and coded the 11 sites according to biogeographical zones. We compared late-life averages for the entire dataset (n = 131 segments) and ranges for individuals with more than six months of data (n = 101 segments) between sites and between subgroups based on elevational zones, sex, and trophy subgroupings. We compiled archaeological and modern baseline food web data for the region (n = 401 samples) and compared hair data adjusted to diet. Results: Meta-analysis shows greater late-life median delta C-13(keratin (VPDB)) and delta N-15(keratin) ((AIR)) for yunga vs. coastal burials, greater delta C-13(keratin (VPDB)) ranges for coastal burials, greater delta N-15(keratin) ((AIR)) ranges for females, greater median delta N-15(keratin) ((AIR)) for trophy individuals, and greater delta C-13(keratin (VPDB)) ranges for trophy individuals. Given these distinct late-life diets and ranges for coastal and yunga burials relative to southern Peruvian food web data, two females and three trophy individuals from Uraca likely changed diets during a short-term move, while the remainder show no evidence for dietary change. Discussion: These analyses demonstrate distinct dietary practices between coastal and yunga groups, between males and females, and between trophy head victims and non-trophy villagers. Understanding the nature of late-life dietary change through a comparative synthesis of archaeological hair provides key insights into individual life trajectories, communal practices, mobility, and foodways relative to altitudinally-variable landscapes of the Peruvian Andes.

OBJECTIVE:The ubiquity of cribra orbitalia in skeletal samples has led to rigorous debate over their etiology, with most concluding that nutrition, physiological stressors, and environmental disease vectors synergistically contribute to lesion development. To parse the relative contributions of these etiological factors in the prehistoric Andes, this spatial paleopathological meta-analysis investigates the relationship between population-wide prehistoric Andean cribra orbitalia rates and geographic, climatic, and hydrological variables.METHODS:Crude prevalence patterns of cribra orbitalia from 61 archaeological sites were plotted and analyzed with geostatistical methods to explore spatial patterns in the distribution of anemia-associated lesions. Multiple linear regression modeling was performed on 19 spatial variables suspected to contribute to various forms of anemia that result in cribrotic lesions.RESULTS:Spatially-clustered high cribra orbitalia rates exist around the Central Peruvian coast, but are paradoxically low on the Ecuadorian coast. Multiple regression shows that elevation, temperature, and precipitation were not predictive of lesion rates. Multiple regression models show that aridity and seasonal variability in freshwater supply, together, explained a third of the variation in lesion rates.CONCLUSION:While cribra orbitalia has long been tied to coastal proximity, these results suggest environmental constraints such as the need for water storage could have promoted malnutrition and pathogenic infection more than mere coastal proximity.LIMITATIONS OF THIS STUDY:This analysis is limited by the paucity of data from highland sites and by the assumption that burials are local to the excavation site.SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH:Future studies will integrate isotopic and remotely-sensed data into models to explore links between water security, nutrition, and disease.

American AnthropologistVolume 122, Issue 4 p. 924-929 VITAL TOPICS FORUM Bioarchaeological Approaches to Understanding Conflict and Collaboration: The Circulation of Violence as a Heterarchical Structure Beth K. Scaffidi, Corresponding Author bethkscaffidi@gmail.com orcid.org/0000-0002-0852-2829 University of California, Merced Email: bethkscaffidi@gmail.comSearch for more papers by this author Beth K. Scaffidi, Corresponding Author bethkscaffidi@gmail.com orcid.org/0000-0002-0852-2829 University of California, Merced Email: bethkscaffidi@gmail.comSearch for more papers by this author First published: 26 November 2020 https://doi.org/10.1111/aman.13488 Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume122, Issue4December 2020Pages 924-929 RelatedInformation

The analysis of(87)Sr/Sr-86 has become a robust tool for identifying non-local individuals at archeological sites. The(87)Sr/Sr-86 in human bioapatite reflects the geological signature of food and water consumed during tissue development. Modeling relationships between(87)Sr/Sr-86 in human environments, food webs, and archeological human tissues is critical for moving from identifying non-locals to determining their likely provenience. In the Andes, obstacles to sample geolocation include overlapping(87)Sr/Sr-86 of distant geographies and a poor understanding of mixed strontium sources in food and drink. Here, water is investigated as a proxy for bioavailable strontium in archeological human skeletal and dental tissues. This study develops a water(87)Sr/Sr-86 isoscape from 262 samples (220 new and 42 published samples), testing the model with published archeological human skeletal(87)Sr/Sr-86 trimmed of probable non-locals. Water(87)Sr/Sr-86 and prediction error between the predicted and measured(87)Sr/Sr-86 for the archeological test set are compared by elevation, underlying geology, and watershed size. Across the Peruvian Andes, water(87)Sr/Sr-86 ranges from 0.7049 to 0.7227 (M= 0.7081,SD= 0.0027). Water(87)Sr/Sr-86 is higher in the highlands, in areas overlying older bedrock, and in larger watersheds, characteristics which are geographically correlated. Spatial outliers identified are from canals, wells, and one stream, suggesting those sources could show non-representative(87)Sr/Sr-86. The best-fit water(87)Sr/Sr-86 isoscape achieves prediction errors for archeological samples ranging from 0.0017 - 0.0031 (M= 0.0012,n= 493). The water isoscape explains only 7.0% of the variation in archeological skeletal(87)Sr/Sr-86 (R-2= 0.07), but 90.0% of archeological skeleton(87)Sr/Sr-86 fall within the site isoscape prediction +/- site prediction standard error. Due to lower sampling density and higher geological variability in the highlands, the water(87)Sr/Sr-86 isoscape is more useful for ruling out geographic origins for lowland dwellers than for highlanders. Baseline studies are especially needed in the highlands and poorly sampled regions. Because the results demonstrate that a geostatistical water model is insufficient for fully predicting human(87)Sr/Sr-86 variation, future work will incorporate additional substrates like plants, fauna, soils, and dust, aiming to eventually generate a regression and process-based mixing model for the probabilistic geolocation of Andean samples.

Every day 37,000 people leave their homes and join the 258 million migrants who live in a different country from where they were born (1, 2). And experts believe that the number of migrants will continue to grow. Climate change alone is expected to force 200 million people to leave their homeland by the year 2050 (3), and some expect the number to reach 1 billion by the year 2100 (4, 5). Routinely, we hear that these numbers are unprecedented, that this level of migration is unsustainable, and that these migrants threaten our way of life. Are these claims right? Texts about the founding of early medieval monastic sites in Ireland, such as St. Colman’s Abbey on the island of Inishbofin (pictured here with a 12th-century church), portrayed the sites as interregional religious and cultural hubs. But recent archaeological research using chemical analyses on similar early medieval Irish monastic sites suggests that few nonlocals were buried at such places (2). Such a relatively low level of migration may have been attributable to laws that restricted individual’s rights outside of their natal territories. The truthful answer is, “we don’t know.” What is clear is that if we are to create migration policies that balance the human rights of migrants with the security concerns of host populations, we will need evidence-based answers to these questions and others like them. At least some of those answers will be found in our past, and the researchers best suited for this task are archaeologists. > What is clear is that if we are to create migration policies that balance the human rights of migrants with the security concerns of host populations, we will need evidence-based answers to these questions and others like them. Studies using the rich corpus of contemporary demographic, sociological, economic, and … [↵][1]1To whom correspondence may be addressed. Email: jhaltschul{at}canelogroup.net. [1]: #xref-corresp-1-1

OBJECTIVES This study examines violence-related cranial trauma frequencies and wound characteristics in the pre-Hispanic cemetery of Uraca in the lower Majes Valley, Arequipa, Peru, dating to the pre- and early-Wari periods (200-750 CE). Cranial wounds are compared between status and sex-based subgroups to understand how violence shaped, and was shaped by, these aspects of identity, and to reconstruct the social contexts of violence carried out by and against Uracans. MATERIALS AND METHODS Presence, location, and characteristics (lethality, penetration, and post-traumatic sequelae) of antemortem and perimortem cranial fractures are documented for 145 crania and compared between subgroups. Cranial wounds are mapped in ArcGIS and the locational distribution of injuries is compared between male and female crania. RESULTS Middle adult males were disproportionately interred at Uraca, particularly in the elite Sector I. The Uraca mortuary population presents the highest rate of cranial trauma reported for pre-Hispanic Peru: 67% of adults present trauma, and among those, 61.1% present more than one cranial injury. Males exhibit significantly more cranial trauma than females and present a higher mean number of injuries per person. Elite males show the highest mean number of injuries per person, more antemortem injuries, and are the only ones with perimortem cranial trauma, bladed injuries, penetrating injuries, and post-traumatic sequelae. Both sexes were most frequently injured on the anterior of the cranium, while the proportion of posterior injuries was higher for females. DISCUSSION The rate, intensity, and locational patterns of cranial trauma suggests the community was engaged in raids and/or war with enemy groups, some of which may have increased physical violence between community members. Engaging in violence was likely a prerequisite for burial in the elite sector and was bound up with the generation and maintenance of social status differences linked to male social life.