Abstract The Global Survey of Anthropological Practice (GSAP), the first of its kind, was undertaken by the World Council of Anthropological Associations (WCAA) to provide insights about anthropology as a transnational profession, the ongoing relevance of the discipline in addressing global problems, issues in employment and gender equity, and the range of anthropological practice and expertise. Respondents to the survey were living in 113 different countries. This article summarizes some of the GSAP’s most general global findings. The GSAP data suggest that within the discipline of anthropology, woman-identified practitioners predominate, except in archaeology and linguistics; yet, women were more likely to report being under-employed and/or not fairly compensated for their work. Universities were the largest employers of anthropologists, but public policy work and public engagement featured centrally in many respondents’ work. The social and cultural anthropology subdisciplines appear to be the most widely practiced the world over, but many respondents also engaged in applied anthropology. However, social media platforms, which might allow anthropologists to reach broader publics, were under-utilized by respondents, who were more likely to publish in closed, internal, and disciplinary specific forums. The GSAP illustrated the global mobility of respondents, including for higher education (and the data on this reflected the hegemony of North Atlantic centers of higher education); yet, many anthropologists around the world have expertise and undertake research in their home countries. Finally, the GSAP found that respondents published their work predominantly in English, although not exclusively, and documented a diversity of languages in which anthropologists publish.

Abstract This brief article is intended to complement “The WCAA Global Survey of Anthropological Practice (2014-2018): Reported Findings” in this issue of ViBrAnt. The article details the internal processes within the World Council of Anthropological Associations through which the Global Survey of Anthropological Practice (GSAP) was initiated and developed. It also discusses the issues and challenges the research team faced, as well as how it endeavored to address them, in carrying out a global survey of anthropologists. The principal aim of the GSAP was to create a knowledge base about the professional practice of anthropologists globally that could be used by the World Council of Anthropological Associations (WCAA) and its member associations to help promote the value and relevance of the discipline. With its fifty-odd member associations from all continents, the WCAA was uniquely positioned to gather these data, and the GSAP process effectively remade this network of associations into a large-scale research consortium. The development and intent of the survey, the particular actors involved and actions taken in its development, are thus critical to its fruition, as well as its shortcomings. The historical process itself contains valuable insights for any future endeavors to survey practitioners of anthropology on a global scale.

In a time when many national governments are rhetorically, if not practically, turning away from global collaboration and emphasizing economic nationalisms, understood here as a plurality of historically and politically contextualized policies, the authors in this thematic issue explore the possible contributions of comparative ethnographic analyses of economic nationalisms to interdisciplinary, transnational analyses. In this introduction to the thematic section, the editors note the turn to economic nationalisms in the current context of global crises, review the literature on economic nationalisms, and illustrate the strong political and historical variations in economic nationalisms within even the same nation, using India as an example. The three ethnographic articles in this thematic section are discussed in relation to each other. They offer examples from Turkey, Italy, Guatemala and the U.S., with a shared focus on economic nationalisms and the reliance on the labor of transnational migrants displaced by war, land grabs, and climate change even as those vital contributors to national economies are denied cultural and national citizenship – an irony rendered all the more visible during the COVID-19 pandemic.

In the recent context of a global pandemic, wars, and climate-related crises amplified by capitalism’s structural violence, a wave of economic nationalist regimes have come into power with anti-globalist stances exemplified by the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union and Trump, Putin, and Bolsonaro’s defiance of transnational treaties. What do economic nationalist policies share transnationally, and how are they distinct in terms of their political articulation and the lived experiences of those most affected by them? The ways in which economic nationalist arguments are used, often in combination with populist and white supremacist tactics, to violently restrict cultural and national citizenship, close borders, silence minority voices, oppress workers, and reject oversight of environmental destruction and human rights violations are discussed in this issue by authors working in the United States, India, Brazil, Guatemala, Italy, the Kurdish region, Turkey, and the United Kingdom. Ethnographic exploration of the plurality of economic nationalisms makes it possible to compare state-specific political strategies while noting parallels in the ways in which economic nationalist rhetoric emphasizes the protection of those imagined as belonging to the enisled economic nation while ironically relying profoundly on global constellations of labor and resource extraction and circulation.

To recall the months of April and May 2021 as the second wave of COVID-19 crashed into India is to relive trauma-trauma inflicted by reports of the deadly shortages of medical oxygen, hospital beds and ventilators; desperate pleas on social media by relatives seeking these for their loved ones; long, snaking queues at cremation sites, some of which were hastily improvised in car parks and other open spaces; and unceasing flames from funeral pyres that burned night and day.Alongside the unbearable suffering of the multitude was a dazzling display of what might (mistakenly) be regarded as irrationality on the part of India's Hindu right-wing leadership.Thus, the Kumbh Mela, the world's largest religious gathering, attracting Hindu pilgrims in their millions, was permitted to go ahead in the months of March and April, at the height of the COVID surge.Last held in 2010 and normally recurring every twelve years, the Kumbh Mela was held after only eleven years this time following astrological advice, and the Indian Railways ran special trains to ferry crowds of pilgrims to the holy sites (Sengupta 2021).The elections in the state of West Bengal were not postponed either and Prime Minister Modi himself addressed vast, jampacked rallies to get out the vote for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).Far from being irrational, the state's decisions were based in the cold calculation that has characterised the Modi government's majoritarian political strategy, and its supposition, unfortunately often correct, that heightened religious fervour drives its electoral victories.These calculated state actions were arguably of a different order from the viral video clips of men smearing themselves with cow dung to fend off COVID infection in Gujarat, but such activities are part of the ecosystem that nourishes and is nourished by the Hindu Right, influential to the point that the Indian Medical Association was obliged to release a statement saying that this was useless from a therapeutic standpoint and indeed likely to have damaging health consequences (Sharma 2021b).Given that Hindu majoritarian mobilisation since the late 1980s has frequently exploded into violence, some observers have tended to think of it as an unpredictable

In an age where essentialisms and reductionisms appear to drive the politics of hate in most parts of the world, this essay seeks to explore the insight, hope and room for manoeuvre offered by situated local knowledges. Counterposing the "white working class" category in public discourse in the United States with the newly emergent political category of Muslim women protestors in India, the article questions the assumption that all essentialisms necessarily contain exclusionary potentialities.

The COVID-19 pandemic has made plainly visible what has always been true, viz.that in capitalist nation-states, an electorate's voting decisions are a matter of life and death.In the year 2020, the people of India are paying with their lives for the election victory in May 2019 of the Hindu-supremacist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its strongman Prime Minister Narendra Modi.The COVID-19 crisis could not have arrived at a more opportune time for the BJP government, rocked as it was by the large-scale protests that had erupted following the passage of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) in December 2019.The Act expedites the granting of Indian citizenship status to non-Muslim religious minorities from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan, but withholds this privilege from Muslim applicants.This is the first time that religious profiling, prohibited by the Indian Constitution, will explicitly be used to deny Indian citizenship to Muslim applicants.Home Minister Amit Shah had stated in the Indian Parliament in summer 2019 that the National Register of Citizens (NRC), a brutal bureaucratic exercise conducted in the north-eastern state of Assam that threatens nearly two million people with statelessness, would be extended to cover all of India.Widespread fears that the two initiatives would be used in conjunction with each other-whereby the NRC will declare impoverished Indian Muslims lacking requisite documents as foreigners while the CAA will ensure that they are ineligible to apply for citizenship-led to nationwide protests.Millions of people across the country, of all ages and religions, ethnic and caste backgrounds, and of varied political persuasions, came out into the streets to protest the anti-Muslim character of the new law.Young people were the first to dominate these demonstrations.The student marchers' calls for protest were echoed across Indian society, by Dalit groups, the gay community, trade unions and the entire political opposition.The scale of these protests was reminiscent of the days of India's decolonisation struggle: a Bharat Bandh, or national shutdown, called by the trade union movement brought out an estimated 250 million protesters across the country on 8 January 2020 (Panicker 2020).If there was an initial concern with brandishing the multi-religious character of the opposition to government-imposed anti-Muslim measures, it soon gave way to an unapologetic resistance that refused to downplay Muslim

This essay reflects on the consequences for ethnography of the reversal of the direction of the anthropological encounter – what exactly happens when anthropologists from the Global South undertake fieldwork among populations in the Global North? I will argue that this does not merely correct historical imbalances of anthropological knowledge production, thereby changing the substance of that knowledge itself, although of course that is a goal worth pursuing, as has cogently been pointed out by the “world anthropologies” critique of hegemonic disciplinary practices. Using insights drawn from my own research site in the US heartland, where I conducted fieldwork initially in 1989-91, and then again during a “focused revisit” in 2015, I suggest that lasting misunderstandings between the anthropologist and the research participants are themselves a rich source of data and human possibility. My contention is that non-standard and long-term fieldwork of this kind may help reveal dimensions of the practice of ethnography that would otherwise remain obscured.

Continued, accelerating water inequalities and conflicts in the postcolonial world cannot be properly grasped without a thorough understanding of colonialism and its legacies. At the same time, water as a resource provides an immensely useful lens for understanding the intricacies and the dynamics of the colonial and postcolonial eras, in general terms, and in the particular historical instance of Malawi examined here. This essay draws on a range of literatures—social theory, political ecology, history, anthropology, sociology, geography, and so on—to demonstrate that struggles over water and other natural resources in the postcolonial world are situated within wider global structures and relationships of power. Starting with a discussion of theoretical approaches to water, the essay goes on to examine the processes of state formation in Sub‐Saharan Africa, and explore the intersectionality of the contemporary lived experience of class, gender, race, and ethnicity in this region. It ends with a consideration of social differentiation, land tenure, degradation of water resources and natural resource conflict in Malawi. Traversing across humanities and social science disciplines, this essay uses water as a means of cutting a path through world historical questions on the articulations between the global and the local in the present era. This article is categorized under: Human Water > Water Governance Human Water > Water as Imagined and Represented

American AnthropologistVolume 119, Issue 2 p. 348-358 WORLD ANTHROPOLOGIES Two Interviews by Vinicius Kauê Ferreira: Chandana Mathur (National University of Ireland, Maynooth) and Soumendra Patnaik (University of Delhi) Vinicius Kauê Ferreira, Vinicius Kauê Ferreira École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, FranceSearch for more papers by this authorChandana Mathur, Chandana Mathur National University of Ireland, Maynooth, IrelandSearch for more papers by this authorSoumendra Patnaik, Soumendra Patnaik University of Delhi, IndiaSearch for more papers by this author Vinicius Kauê Ferreira, Vinicius Kauê Ferreira École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, FranceSearch for more papers by this authorChandana Mathur, Chandana Mathur National University of Ireland, Maynooth, IrelandSearch for more papers by this authorSoumendra Patnaik, Soumendra Patnaik University of Delhi, IndiaSearch for more papers by this author First published: 25 May 2017 https://doi.org/10.1111/aman.12879Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume119, Issue2June 2017Pages 348-358 RelatedInformation

Anthropology NewsVolume 58, Issue 1 p. e142-e144 January/February Online ContentFree Access World Anthropologies: The Ethnographic Past Chandana Mathur, Chandana MathurSearch for more papers by this author Chandana Mathur, Chandana MathurSearch for more papers by this author First published: 14 June 2017 https://doi.org/10.1111/AN.292Citations: 1AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article.Citing Literature Volume58, Issue1Special Issue: FuturesJanuary/February 2017Pages e142-e144 RelatedInformation

American AnthropologistVolume 117, Issue 1 p. 177-178 BOOK REVIEWS The Darjeeling Distinction: Labor and Justice on Fair-Trade Tea Plantations in India by Sarah Besky. California Studies in Food and Culture, 47. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013. 264 pp. Chandana Mathur, Chandana Mathur National University of Ireland, MaynoothSearch for more papers by this author Chandana Mathur, Chandana Mathur National University of Ireland, MaynoothSearch for more papers by this author First published: 22 February 2015 https://doi.org/10.1111/aman.12195Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume117, Issue1March 2015Pages 177-178 RelatedInformation