In this article, we examine how feminist goals inform Canada's security and defence policies. Using an intersectional feminist framework, we outline gender-inclusive strategies in the defence sector, and their limitations. Although important pro-feminist improvements have been made in Canada's security and defence policies, we argue that they are unlikely to translate into structurally transformative outcomes because they are narrowly operationalized through individual-level advancement and traditional national security objectives. Canada's approach hinges on inclusivity measures, such as recruitment and integrating gender-based analysis into institutional processes. Not only do these measures pale in comparison to investments in defence infrastructure, they also reinforce militarism. Canada's feminist security and defence policies treat militarism, both ideologically and practically, as the "common-sense" response to insecurity and inequality, squeezing out anti-militarist and social justice approaches to global problems.

A growing number of Western states are positioning feminism as the path to a more peaceful and prosperous world. In this article, we examine Canada's feminist foreign policy agenda as an instance of governance feminism, whereby the normative commitment to gender equality is pursued by governing women's agency. We conduct a qualitative discursive analysis of eleven key policy documents spanning development, peace, and security and trade, unpacking how expanding roles for women are framed as the solution to both gender inequality and a range of global issues. Although feminist foreign policy could improve the lives of some, it largely adopts the universalizing conceits of liberal feminism, rendering it blind to diversity and inequality among women and gender-diverse persons within and beyond Canada. By focusing on guiding individual action, Canada's feminist policies distract from broader global politico-economic structures that “agents of change” confront while also sustaining global hierarchies and militarism.

This paper presents findings from interview research with Canadian police officers deployed to the UN peacekeeping missions in Haiti between 2004 and 2017. Focusing on the problem of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), we present three discourses that emerge from this research and their reasoning about the problem of SEA. These discourses suggest that (1) other contributing countries are responsible for the problem of SEA; (2) the UN fails to sanction SEA in practice, while Canada does sanction SEA; and (3) Haitians and Haitian culture undermines efforts to reduce SEA. Using tools of critical discourse analysis, we show how discourses on SEA reinforce a mentality of self-exemption that treats sexual misconduct as a problem in which Canada and Canadians are largely innocent, while the UN, other contributing countries, and Haitians themselves, bear much more fault. We argue that these discourses reproduce a narrative of innocence and contribute to Canada's national mythology as a do-gooder nation that is largely exempt from perpetrating SEA, despite evidence to the contrary.

"CSoS ECR outstanding research article award 2023 winner." Critical Studies on Security, 11(2), p. 63

This article develops a new framework for the analysis of international policing. We argue that attention to the historical dynamics that shape international policing challenges not only commonly held views about it but also how it is studied. Building on insights from global historical sociology as well as decolonial and postcolonial theories, we place co-constitution, processual relationalism and coloniality at the centre of our understanding of policing both domestically and internationally. We foreground the colonial origins of modern policing, which emerged simultaneously in the metropoles and the colonies to police specific, often racialised, populations. This history reveals not only that 'domestic' policing has always been globalised, and therefore cannot be analysed within the confines of the nation-state, but also that policing models in the West have been militarised and racialised from the very beginning. Our approach shows why technocratic fixes are unlikely to solve recurring problems that span both the Global North and the Global South - such as using excessive force by police or targeting marginalised, often racialised populations. Our framework pushes forward a new, more critical conversation about how we, as scholars, make sense of international policing and its consequences globally.

La violence et la répression exercées à l’encontre des militantes des droits du sol et de l’environnement qui s’opposent au développement de l’industrie de l’extraction (un groupe classé par les Nations Unies comme défenseurs des droits de la personne) ont été bien documentées par plusieurs organismes non gouvernementaux œuvrant dans le domaine. Malgré leur importance équivalente, des formes indirectes de violence touchant ces mêmes défenseurs, ainsi que leur nature genrée et leurs répercussions, sont moins connues. Le présent texte analyse le concept d’« institution disciplinaire », qui repose sur le concept de pouvoir disciplinaire de Michel Foucault, englobant tous les outils disciplinaires mobilisés contre les militantes contre l’exploitation minière, avec leurs conséquences genrées. L’« institution disciplinaire » renvoie aux pratiques qui neutralisent ou empêchent carrément l’opposition et la résistance politiques. Il s’agit d’un type de violence qui est à la fois implicite et explicite, et qui opère dans un continuum, depuis la délégitimation des militantes, par des campagnes de salissage, jusqu’au recours à des agents provocateurs locaux pour diriger la violence contre elles. Bien que de nombreux acteurs soient mobilisés dans cette campagne de surveillance et de punition, le présent article se penche plus spécifiquement sur le rôle joué par l’État et ses alliés (en particulier les sociétés minières transnationales et les forces paramilitaires qui les soutiennent). L’analyse s’appuie sur des exemples de situations partout dans le monde, mais plus spécifiquement sur les exploitations minières au cœur de la résistance au Guatemala.

In contrast to narratives by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, the United Nations, and some scholars that international police assistance is a relatively recent phenomenon, we argue that Canada's Mounties have always been international. To develop this argument, we examine three dimensions of police power in international relations historically and with respect to the role of the Mounties specifically. First, we discuss the concept of police power and its central role in giving rise to another concept: civilization. The concept of civilization gained considerable traction as a rationale for police power in Britain's colonies, including Canada. Second, we turn to a discussion of imperial policing in the colonial settlement of Canada involving an elaborate array of "civilizing'' techniques, some of which are still in operation today. Since Confederation, the Mounties have been involved in wide-ranging state-building missions with the purpose of securing Canadian sovereignty, in part through land and resource acquisition, and the denial of Indigenous sovereignties. Third, we show that the Mounties' contributions to settler colonialism played a role in shaping international relations from the twentieth century. In particular, the Mounties were central in constituting Canada as a member of the globally dominant Anglo-Saxon community of states. In conclusion, we suggest that current international policing practices in the global periphery are not novel phenomena, but are rooted in international police powers that made possible the colonial settlement of Canada.

This chapter explores the biometric documentation of civilians by coalition forces in the battle zones of the 'war on terror'. With the growth of population-centric operations, harvesting body data is a key dimension of efforts to divide the population between civilians and insurgents, while also serving as a general strategy of population management over life perceived to be potentially dangerous. This chapter examines how these dividing and governance tactics are part of a global racism that is manifest in North-South conflict. The racism that underpins biometric technology is reflected in the racial dynamic of Western-led counter-insurgency operations, in which the USA and its allies expand control over Southern populations. In so doing, the insecurity of said populations is deepened and the political dimensions of global inequality are accentuated.

This article examines the public profile of a number of American defence intellectuals involved in the re-emergence of counterinsurgency strategy in US-led wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Although there has been attention to the rise of soft knowledges and new communication strategies in Western warfare, the recent foray of war experts into the glossy world of celebrity infotainment – that is, media venues that are designed to both inform and entertain – has not been explored. I argue that the fanfare that has sprouted up around these experts is an expression of the interconnections between war and public relations in which the legitimacy of US wars has always rested on how wars are packaged and sold to domestic publics. Furthermore, the presence of defence experts in popular media is an outgrowth of counterinsurgency techniques wherein the distinction between domestic and foreign publics is blurred, and mingling (virtually or otherwise) with 'the people' in their daily lives is part of the campaign itself.

A decade and a half on, US-led global counter-terrorism operations continue to require critical commentary. The political impossibility of counterinsurgency is an insightful contribution to such ef...

Many outdoor activities are currently being utilized by recreational therapists to aid in the development of play and leisure skills, education, social skills training, and even therapeutic community. The process of using these outdoor activities can aid clients in emotional, physical, cognitive and social functions. Although these types of activities have been primarily utilized in recreational therapy intervention sessions, these activities carry the potential to also fit within the domain of occupational therapy. In order to engage in the recreational activity of sailing, persons must have specific cognitive, physical, emotional and social abilities. The purpose of this study is to examine what client factors should exist prior to a child/adolescent’s participation in a sailing intervention. This study will survey currently established adaptive sailing programs and existing literature as it relates to sailing with disabilities and explore what physical prerequisites current adaptive sailing programs mandate for their participating students.

This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts covered in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book explores the ordering dimension of war: police interventions and the relationship between intervening forces and local populations. Rather than analysing rationales and practices of coercion and governance and order separately, the book examines how these destructive and productive technologies are mutually entangled and play out simultaneously. By investigating the history of air power, Neocleous demonstrates not simply its preventative and structuring purpose for British colonial policy, but elucidates the constituting role of air power in contemporary war: police assemblages. The book shows how 'war' is no longer a discrete or distinct event but instead a complex assemblage of exceptionality and normalcy, of the political and the apolitical. It shows how particular understandings of the 'tribal nature' of Pashtun communities, rooted in the colonial history of the British Raj, have resurfaced in the US-led intervention in Afghanistan.