The Oxford Handbook of Canadian Politics provides a comprehensive overview of the transformation that has occurred in Canadian politics since the country achieved autonomy, examining the institutions and processes of Canadian government and politics at the local, provincial, and federal levels. The book represents the work of distinguished contributors, including some of the world's most prominent scholars of political science. Canada officially achieved legislative autonomy in 1931 and has since developed into one of the world's most prosperous democracies. Though its political system is widely commended for its stability and fairness, it is nonetheless extremely complex. Particularly within the past five decades, Canada has undergone a vast social and political revolution, as exhibited by events such as the Quiet Revolution in Quebec, the ratification of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, the Medical Care Act of 1966, and the official adoption of bilingualism and multiculturalism. As the world moves toward globalization, technology has likewise facilitated communication between previously isolated provinces and territories within Canada. Such developments hold significant implications for the role of Canadian politics, both domestically and internationally. This text analyzes all aspects of the Canadian political system: the courts, elections, political parties, Parliament, the constitution, fiscal and political federalism, the diffusion of policies between regions, and various aspects of public policy. It examines recent trends such as the movement toward minority Parliaments, and extrapolates potential developments.
The thesis that Canada’s original major political parties were also the principal entities that bound the federation together is a well-explored subject. Over the last four decades, the disappearance of any political party in Canada that can convincingly claim to perform that function arguably throws into doubt the utility of the thesis. In the present article, and focussing once again on the political evolution of Saskatchewan and Alberta, the author re-examines the case he earlier advanced for the pre-eminence of political parties as fundamental institutions for the maintenance of Canada’s unity. He argues that this analysis gave inadequate attention to the structures and practices of federalism, an oversight that has grown more evident in light of the strains that have accompanied recent developments in federal-provincial relations, in particular between the centre and the “twin” provinces created by Parliament in 1905.
Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation David Smith; Annotated Bibliography: Internet Resources for Native American and Canadian Aboriginal Studies. American Indian Culture and Research Journal 1 January 2008; 32 (1): 103–134. doi: https://doi.org/10.17953/aicr.32.1.q103567601632374 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest Search
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Through the use of 134 public documents, mainly of provincial origin and accompanied by individual commentaries, Saskatchewan Speaks depicts the building of the province of Saskatchewan from its creation by the parliament of Canada in 1905 down to 1982. Reports of legislative committees and royal commissions as well as legislative debates and statutes are reprinted. Chosen to demonstrate major areas of government activity, such as the establishment of public institutions, the formulation of economic and social policy, and relations with the federal government, these selections and others reflect the province's unique political climate, one that spawned North America's first socialist government. Devised for a university course in provincial politics because of a paucity of secondary sources, Saskatchewan Speaks illustrates the capacity that jurisdictions in a federal system have to innovate and assert their distinctiveness.
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Institutional similarities disguise different patronage practices in Britain and Canada. In the former, partisan politics were removed from administration more than a century ago, but the seed of that separation was planted in the middle ages. In the latter, partisan politics penetrated administration early in the nineteenth century because reformers sought to dominate colonial government through control of patronage. Civil service reform removed patronage from Canada’s public service in 1918 but not from those other offices subject to order-in-council appointments, where it continues to thrive and in recent years provide a source of controversy.
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Previous studies have noted that Canadians tend to support one political party at the provincial level of government and another party at the federal level, yet no attempt has been made to discover which voters switch their electoral support. This study is concerned with an examination of one electoral district as both a federal and a provincial constituency in two 1964 elections to determine (a) the nature and degree of vote switching from one election at one level of government to a second election at another level and (b) the characteristics of the people who switched their votes.The city of Saskatoon was selected for the study for two closely interrelated reasons. First, two elections were held remarkably close together in time: a provincial general election on April 22, 1964, followed by a federal by-election on June 22, 1964. Second, Saskatoon had returned CCF members to the provincial legislature since 1944, but had elected as its member of parliament the Progressive-Conservative candidate since 1957. The Conservative candidates had a poor record in provincial elections, generally running a modest third, while in federal elections the party's candidate polled more votes than his combined opposition in 1958, 1962, and 1963. As Table I indicates the voters of Saskatoon had on six occasions in the period from 1956 to 1963 consistently supported the CCF provincially and the Progressive-Conservatives federally. The 1964 elections followed basically the same pattern The main differences were that provincially the Liberals and Progressive-Conservatives improved their position considerably in comparison with past elections (with the Liberals electing one member in the five-member district), while federally the Progressive-Conservative vote dropped substantially with a lower voter turn-out than had been the case in recent federal elections (see Table II).