Abstract This chapter explores the strategic responses of trade dependent firms (TDFs) to growing populism and trade protectionism, focusing on the EU business elite over the period 2016–2020. It firstly highlights the threats posed to TDFs by several protectionist shifts (primarily Brexit, US protectionism under the Trump administration and its threat to the WTO). It then explores their strategic responses in the EU, mobilizing interviews with policy makers and trade associations in sectors which are highly dependent on trade. It finds that, overall, the mobilization of EU business elites was relatively low profile. In most cases, firms relied on their associations to lobby on their behalf. Although, in the case of Brexit, a very clear and present threat, these associations created quite extensive coalitions, including with civil society, individual company mobilization was still relatively limited. In the case of the more generic threats we explored, although associations were very active, individual TDFs were not. Interviewees attributed this passivity to concerns about reputation effects from supporting a controversial issue (free trade), limited understanding of the extent of the threat, and lack of capacity in many smaller companies.

BACKGROUND:Smokeless tobacco, used by more than 300 million people globally, results in substantial morbidity and mortality. For smokeless tobacco control, many countries have adopted policies beyond the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, which has been instrumental in reducing smoking prevalence. The impact of these policies (within and outside the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control) on smokeless tobacco use remains unclear. We aimed to systematically review policies that are relevant to smokeless tobacco and its context and investigate their impact on smokeless tobacco use.METHODS:In this systematic review, we searched 11 electronic databases and grey literature between Jan 1, 2005, and Sept 20, 2021, in English and key south Asian languages, to summarise smokeless tobacco policies and their impact. Inclusion criteria were all types of studies on smokeless tobacco users that mentioned any smokeless tobacco relevant policies since 2005, except systematic reviews. Policies issued by organisations or private institutions were excluded as well as studies on e-cigarettes and Electronic Nicotine Delivery System except where harm reduction or switching were evaluated as a tobacco cessation strategy. Two reviewers independently screened articles, and data were extracted after standardisation. Quality of studies was appraised using the Effective Public Health Practice Project's Quality Assessment Tool. Outcomes for impact assessment included smokeless tobacco prevalence, uptake, cessation, and health effects. Due to substantial heterogeneity in the descriptions of policies and outcomes, data were descriptively and narratively synthesised. This systematic review was registered in PROSPERO (CRD42020191946).FINDINGS:14 317 records were identified, of which 252 eligible studies were included as describing smokeless tobacco policies. 57 countries had policies targeting smokeless tobacco, of which 17 had policies outside the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control for smokeless tobacco (eg, spitting bans). 18 studies evaluated the impact, which were of variable quality (six strong, seven moderate, and five weak) and reported mainly on prevalence of smokeless tobacco use. The body of work evaluating policy initiatives based on the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control found that these initiatives were associated with reductions in smokeless tobacco prevalence of between 4·4% and 30·3% for taxation and 22·2% and 70·9% for multifaceted policies. Two studies evaluating the non-Framework policy of sales bans reported significant reductions in smokeless tobacco sale (6·4%) and use (combined sex 17·6%); one study, however, reported an increased trend in smokeless tobacco use in the youth after a total sales ban, likely due to cross-border smuggling. The one study reporting on cessation found a 13·3% increase in quit attempts in individuals exposed (47·5%) to Framework Convention on Tobacco Control policy: education, communication, training, and public awareness, compared with non-exposed (34·2%).INTERPRETATION:Many countries have implemented smokeless tobacco control policies, including those that extend beyond the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. The available evidence suggests that taxation and multifaceted policy initiatives are associated with meaningful reductions in smokeless tobacco use.FUNDING:UK National Institute for Health Research.

Following decades of relative isolation, China and India have become the world's largest new traders. In this paper, we focus on their Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs). While the two economies initially followed similar paths, with a growing number of PTAs signed in the first decade of the 21st Century, since 2011 India has taken a U-turn and stopped completing them. China, on the other hand, has widened and deepened its trade agreements. We present a novel theoretical framework to analyze international economic negotiations by emerging economies and use it to study the puzzling divergence of the trade policies of China and India. By adapting the two-level game framework to emerging economies, we argue that there are key differences in the political economies of countries like China and India (compared to Western industrialized ones), which requires a more specific focus on the domestic side of the two-level game. We show that accounting for non-legislative domestic ratification processes and for iterative games and experiential learning by domestic actors are crucial in understanding the trade strategies of emerging economies. While much of the literature explains large emerging economies by looking at external systemic factors, we instead suggest that their domestic politics trumps international politics.

The COVID pandemic highlighted the interdependence which the expansion of global value chains (GVCs) has fostered across the world economy. Perceived fragilities in the supply of key products led to a growing global debate about the wisdom of high levels of reliance on overseas sources, with several commentators suggesting that the pandemic will foster 'de-globalisation'. Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the economic disruption which accompanied it, have only served to strengthen concerns about interdependence, especially in Europe. In this paper, we draw on analysis of EU policy responses and GVC governance theory to inform the question of whether it is likely that there will be a major reduction in the geographical reach of GVCs due to the COVID-19 pandemic. We argue that, although changes in certain GVCs are likely to be fostered (and reinforced) by the response to the pandemic, it does not make widespread 'de-globalisation' inevitable. Some GVCs will likely reduce in geographic scope, becoming more regional or national, especially in industries which are considered 'strategic'. However, pressures to de-globalise and their practical impacts will vary significantly across countries and industrial sectors, depending not only on public policy responses, but on variations in the governance of GVCs themselves.

This paper seeks to expand our understanding of Corporate Political Activity (CPA) in trade policy by exploring the strategic responses of EU trade dependent firms (TDFs) to the recent backlash against globalization.We develop propositions on likely corporate strategies in this context and explore them in the EU.Our empirical focus is on four cases of trade policy changes over the period 2016-19 which reduced, or threatened to reduce, openness in different ways and with varying sectoral impacts.Propositions were explored through the analysis of public actions by TDFs and their associations, as well as 26 interviews.We find that few EU TDFs mobilized independently against protectionism.Rather, they overwhelmingly worked through their trade associations.Furthermore, the extent to which sectoral associations mobilized together or alone varied depending on the issue area and nature of the threats.We find limited evidence of transnational lobbying or mobilization with civil society groups beyond the specific issue of Brexit.

A key change in the field of international trade in recent decades is the growing interconnectedness of geographically dispersed trade and production patterns, which increasingly take place within so-called global value chains (GVCs). In this chapter, we discuss these changes in international trade and production, why they occurred and what role GVCs have played. We then show how GVCs have also changed the politics of trade and, as such, the nature and outcomes of trade disputes. Firstly, the position of firms within GVCs has often become a more important determinant of their trade preferences than their nationality. In addition, as GVC structures can be adjusted in response to trade restrictions, trade wars have become more difficult to 'win'. We also discuss how GVC trade has become increasingly controversial and that this backlash against GVCs and globalization more broadly, has played a key role in the fueling of trade wars.

Purpose This paper aims to explore trade policy measures taken in response to COVID-19 and analyses in detail their extent and nature. It assesses their compatibility with World Trade Organisation (WTO) agreements: specifically, whether they were necessary and justifiable efforts to protect the security and health of populations and asks how this widespread recourse to trade barriers may impact on international business? Design/methodology/approach This paper analyses an extensive database from the International Trade Centre of trade measures taken in response to COVID-19. It differentiates by type of country, nature and coverage of measures (imports or exports, type of product…). On the basis of existing jurisprudence, this paper analyses whether restrictive measures were likely to be judged legal under WTO rules. Findings This paper finds that, although the majority of trade measures are probably justifiable, there were nevertheless many measures whose coverage and/or nature was such that a justification under existing WTO exceptions is, at the very least, arguable. Such widespread and intense instigation of potentially WTO incompatible measures in such a short period of time undoubtedly undermines the global trade rules on which international business has relied for decades. Originality/value There is little existing analysis of the legality of measures taken under the security exceptions and no substantial analyses of the measures taken in response to COVID-19. Furthermore, little scholarly attention has been paid to the impacts on international business of the increasing use of WTO “exceptions” to justify trade measures to protect national industries and populations.

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Since the beginning of the 21st century we have witnessed a proliferation of Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) in Asia Pacific. China has been at the forefront of this development. Initially, China's PTAs were very shallow and mainly aimed at building friendly relationships with developing countries. However, over time, China has started to negotiate deeper PTAs with developing and developed countries alike. This notable shift has thus far been understood to result from four broad motivations: China's desire to access key export markets; the facilitation of regional production networks; to address resource security concerns; and/or to further geostrategic interests and political influence. We propose that these motives are not sufficient to fully account for China's new generation trade agreements. We suggest that China is increasing its integration into the world economy to push for domestic marketization and reform by credibly committing to trade liberalization through PTAs. Deep and comprehensive PTAs oblige a country to follow a set of rules that leave little leeway to violate the terms. In order to successfully implement and enforce PTA commitments, China has also gradually strengthened its regulatory state by investing in regulatory capacity and capability in the field of trade policy. We test the plausibility of our argument through an in-depth analysis of the PTAs signed by China since 2000 and find evidence that China's PTAs are indeed in part driven by a desire to lock in domestic economic reform, which has gone hand in hand with a strengthening of its regulatory state.

In the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic, scepticism on the merits of trade and globalization has increased across several key developed countries. This poses major challenges for multinational enterprises (MNEs) and other trade dependent firms (TDFs). This paper develops a framework to explore corporate nonmarket strategies (NMS) to address this backlash, covering both corporate political activity (CPA) and corporate social responsibility (CSR). We firstly provide an overview of the existing research within international economics, business strategy, and international political economy on the antiglobalization backlash and MNEs/TDFs strategy in the face of protectionism. Building on this scholarship, we formulate propositions for CPA and CSR actions, which are likely to be deployed by TDFs in developed economies to counter protectionism and address the criticisms of the antiglobalization movement. On this basis we propose an interdisciplinary analytical framework that can be used to study corporate strategy in times of growing antitrade sentiments. Finally, we provide initial proposals for testing these propositions and highlight the challenges researchers may face when carrying out such research.

This chapter seeks to provide some constructive input to the debate on EU trade policy. Drawing on academic research, including by the authors, as well as recent policy inputs from NGOs, Trade Associations and EU institutional actors, this chapter looks at how EU trade policy is evolving in response to its critics. In so doing, it explores the key challenges which the current context poses for policy-makers, highlights some of the ways in which trade policy has adapted to address recent challenges and provides some suggestions for further change.

INTRODUCTION:Smokeless tobacco (ST) was consumed by 356 million people globally in 2017. Recent evidence shows that ST consumption is responsible for an estimated 652 494 all-cause deaths across the globe annually. The WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) was negotiated in 2003 and ratified in 2005 to implement effective tobacco control measures. While the policy measures enacted through various tobacco control laws have been effective in reducing the incidence and prevalence of smoking, the impact of ST-related policies (within WHO FCTC and beyond) on ST use is under-researched and not collated. METHODS AND ANALYSIS:A systematic review will be conducted to collate all available ST-related policies implemented across various countries and assess their impact on ST use. The following databases will be searched: Medline, EMBASE, PsycINFO, Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature, Scopus, EconLit, ISI Web of Science, Cochrane Library (CENTRAL), African Index Medicus, LILACS, Scientific Electronic Library Online, Index Medicus for the Eastern Mediterranean Region, Index Medicus for South-East Asia Region, Western Pacific Region Index Medicus and WHO Library Database, as well as Google search engine and country-specific government websites. All ST-related policy documents (FCTC and non-FCTC) will be included. Results will be limited to literature published since 2005 in English and regional languages (Bengali, Hindi and Urdu). Two reviewers will independently employ two-stage screening to determine inclusion. The Effective Public Health Practice Project's 'Quality Assessment Tool for Quantitative Studies' will be used to record ratings of quality and risk of bias among studies selected for inclusion. Data will be extracted using a standardised form. Meta-analysis and narrative synthesis will be used. ETHICS AND DISSEMINATION:Permission for ethics exemption of the review was obtained from the Centre for Chronic Disease Control's Institutional Ethics Committee, India (CCDC_IEC_06_2020; dated 16 April 2020). The results will be disseminated through publications in a peer-reviewed journal and will be presented in national and international conferences. PROSPERO REGISTRATION NUMBER:CRD42020191946.

Two recent developments have the potential to fundamentally alter the conventional view of EU trade policy-making: the emergence of global value chains (GVCs) and the recent backlash against globalization. In this paper we summarize the conventional wisdom after which we delineate the main expectations derived from the GVC and the globalization-backlash perspectives. In so doing, we focus on the EU's trade and non-trade preferences, and the EU's ability to achieve its preferences in international trade negotiations. We then discuss the research agenda that would allow testing the expectations derived from these different perspectives. A key point that emerges from this discussion is that the conventional perspective, the GVC perspective, and the globalization-backlash perspective may all be needed to fully understand EU trade policy. The challenge is to know under which conditions which of these perspectives best explains the process and outcomes of EU trade policy-making.

Introduction South Asia is home to more than 300 million smokeless tobacco (ST) users. Bangladesh, India and Pakistan as signatories to the Framework Convention for Tobacco Control (FCTC) have developed policies aimed at curbing the use of tobacco. The objective of this study is to assess the compliance of ST point-of-sale (POS) vendors and the supply chain with the articles of the FCTC and specifically with national tobacco control laws. We also aim to assess disparities in compliance with tobacco control laws between ST and smoked tobacco products.Methods and analysis The study will be carried out at two sites each in Bangladesh, India and Pakistan. We will conduct a sequential mixed-methods study with five components: (1) mapping of ST POS, (2) analyses of ST samples packaging, (3) observation, (4) survey interviews of POS and (5) in-depth interviews with wholesale dealers/suppliers/manufacturers of ST. We aim to conduct at least 300 POS survey interviews and observations, and 6–10 in-depth interviews in each of the three countries. Data collection will be done by trained data collectors. The main statistical analysis will report the frequencies and proportions of shops that comply with the FCTC and local tobacco control policies, and provide a 95% CI of these estimates. The qualitative in-depth interview data will be analysed using the framework approach. The findings will be connected, each component informing the focus and/or design of the next component.Ethics and dissemination Ethical approvals for the study have been received from the Health Sciences Research Governance Committee at the University of York, UK. In-country approvals were taken from the National Bioethics Committee in Pakistan, the Bangladesh Medical Research Council and the Indian Medical Research Council. Our results will be disseminated via scientific conferences, peer-reviewed research publications and press releases.

Until the early twenty-first century, there was a virtual absence of health as a subject of inquiry in the field of international political economy (IPE). However, in recent years health has become one of the key emerging issues in the study of contemporary IPE. In this chapter, we set out the core themes that define this growing field of scholarship. We draw upon the existing literature, from the IPE and health fields, to illustrate these themes including our own research on the IPE of tobacco control. We conclude by assessing the current state of IPE and health scholarship and potential future directions for strengthening research.