Journal Article Resident Strangers: Immigrant Laborers in New South Alabama Get access Resident Strangers: Immigrant Laborers in New South Alabama. By Jennifer E Brooks. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2022. xiv, 270 pp. Cloth, $45.00.) Jack Glazier Jack Glazier Oberlin College, Oberlin, Ohio Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 110, Issue 4, March 2024, Pages 787–788, https://doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaad391 Published: 01 March 2024

Abstract“A Dilatory Stratagem” argues that the national Taft-Hartley Act (1947) emboldened southern employers to use permanent replacement hiring to undermine organized labor and eradicate union locals soon after World War II. Extensive archival research in union records, government documents, and newspapers, as well as oral history interviews conducted with former employees, tells the story of the 1950 strike at the American Enka Rayon plant in Morristown, Tennessee. Although largely unknown, the Enka strike became the subject of national congressional hearings and demonstrated the importance of permanent replacement hiring in management's anti-union toolbox well before the 1970s.

Reviewed by: Blue Texas: The Making of a Multiracial Democratic Coalition in the Civil Rights Era by Max Krochmal Jennifer E. Brooks Blue Texas: The Making of a Multiracial Democratic Coalition in the Civil Rights Era. By Max Krochmal. ( Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016. Pp. xiv, 537. $39.95, ISBN 978–1-4696–2675-8.) To state that Max Krochmal has produced a big first book would be an understatement, in both physical and historiographical terms. First, Blue Texas: The Making of a Multiracial Democratic Coalition in the Civil Rights Era is 537 dense, weighty pages of detailed and nuanced storytelling about Texas politics. More important, it rewrites the history of the modern civil rights movement, organized labor, and modern southern politics. Krochmal's thesis is clear, strongly argued, and well supported: the collaboration of black, brown, and white civil rights and union activists from the 1930s through the 1960s built a multiracial coalition that turned Texas blue, at least for a while, and created a roadmap to progressive change for later generations to follow. Small wonder that this impressive monograph won the 2017 Frederick Jackson Turner Award from the Organization of American Historians. The author begins by expanding both the geography and the scope of the "long civil rights movement" (p. 8). In exploring an array of locally organized Latino campaigns from Houston to San Antonio in the 1930s and 1940s, he diversifies our notion of the roots of the modern civil rights movement. New events, personalities, and organizations take center stage. For example, a Mexican pecan-shellers' strike in 1938 planted the seeds that ultimately sprouted into cross-racial coalition building among Texas progressives, bringing to the fore women such as Emma Tenayuca and Alberta Zepeda Snid. The strike left a powerful memory of what civil rights unionism and multiracial collaboration could accomplish. That legacy took root in Houston during World War II, when black Texans such as Moses LeRoy, William J. Durham, and Erma DeLoney LeRoy combined campaigns for voting rights with crusades for economic justice, culminating in the Smith v. Allwright (1944) and Sweatt v. Painter (1950) U.S. Supreme Court decisions. Thus, Krochmal profiles new [End Page 208] sources of civil rights unionism, locating it not just among tobacco processing or packinghouse workers but also in a postal workers' union in Texas. And while many scholars identify the Cold War era as the nadir of progressive reform after the more halcyon days of the New Deal, Krochmal proves otherwise. Organizing did not stop or disappear; rather, his black, brown, and white subjects learned to work under the radar and were compelled by intraracial conflicts to collaborate across racial lines with their progressive working-class counterparts. Indeed, no scenario in Texas appears so bleak that it lacks some sort of redemptive lesson for progressives. Every campaign, strike, and crusade, whether successful or not, contributed to a movement culture of multiracial coalition building that grew and strengthened over time. Sit-ins, marches, boycotts, and rallies against segregation and economic discrimination stood alongside anti–poll tax campaigns, voter registration crusades, and electoral politics. Together, progressive Texans of all colors created an interdependent, holistic movement, one that used multiracial coalitions to crack open Texas's lily-white Democratic politics, began tearing down barriers to integration and equal economic opportunity, and ultimately produced "a social and political sea change in Texas" (p. 396). It would not prove enough, however, to outlast the fracturing impact of the choices of white liberals and of union leaders to prioritize electoral success over continuing to collaborate with multiracial working-class "liberation struggles" after 1965 (p. 396). Nonetheless, Texas became a two-party state by the late 1970s, Krochmal argues, and the fight for political democracy and economic justice continues. Indeed, he offers this story as a sort of "historical toolbox—in the hopes that we may find new ways to practice democracy in our own time" (p. 408). Krochmal constructed this toolbox out of a veritable mountain of primary sources, including manuscript collections, corporate records, union records, newspapers, and government records, as well as over a hundred oral histories, with sixty-six of these conducted by the author himself (to be...

Research Article| January 01 2018 “John Chinaman” in Alabama: Immigration, Race, and Empire in the New South, 1870–1920 Jennifer Brooks Jennifer Brooks Jennifer Brooks received her PhD in History from the University of Tennessee and currently is Associate Professor of History at Auburn University. Her first book is Defining the Peace: World War Two Veterans, Race, and the Remaking of Southern Political Tradition (University of North Carolina Press, 2004). Other work has appeared in the Journal of Southern History, Labor: Studies in the Working Class History of the Americas, and Southern Cultures. She is a past president of the Southern Labor Studies Association and is currently working on a book about the history of immigration and labor in Alabama. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Journal of American Ethnic History (2018) 37 (2): 5–36. https://doi.org/10.5406/jamerethnhist.37.2.0005 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Jennifer Brooks; “John Chinaman” in Alabama: Immigration, Race, and Empire in the New South, 1870–1920. Journal of American Ethnic History 1 January 2018; 37 (2): 5–36. doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/jamerethnhist.37.2.0005 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveUniversity of Illinois PressJournal of American Ethnic History Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright 2018 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois2018 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal Issue Section: ARTICLE You do not currently have access to this content.

Latin American Migrations to the U.S. Heartland: Changing Social Landscapes in Middle America. Edited by Linda Allegro and Andrew Grant Wood. The Working Class in American History. (Urbana and other cities: University of Illinois Press, 2013. Pp. [xvi], 319. $65.00, ISBN 978-0-252-03766-5.) In this interdisciplinary volume, editors Linda Allegro and Andrew Grant Wood have tapped scholars in a range of disciplines to explore the historical and geographical context of current immigration to the United States. More specifically, these thirteen essays offer a regional assessment of the immigration debate that mentions the Southwest and the Deep South but is primarily focused on the rural heartland. Although two essays focus on southern states (Arkansas and North Carolina), the bulk of the discussion centers on the rural communities of the nonsouthem United States (Idaho, Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, Oklahoma, and Pennsylvania). The broad goal is to both humanize and contextualize immigration and globalization by highlighting the collective traumas and stories of resilience that have brought the peoples of Latin America and the rural American heartland into close proximity (p. xii). Certainly, these essays complicate our understanding of how rural communities have encountered the economic and social realities of late-twentieth-century de-industrialization and early-twenty-first-century re-industrialization. Allegro and Wood have organized the volume into six distinct sections, along with an introduction and conclusion. Each chapter can also stand alone. The contributors come from a variety of disciplines, including history, political science, economics, sociology, anthropology, and education. Their methodologies are, naturally, as diverse as their sources. And while a volume focusing on the Midwest might appear to be of limited use for historians of the South, this work decentralizes the current immigration debate in interesting ways. The authors establish a spectrum of popular reactions and experiences as immigrants migrate to rural heartland communities. Whether considering American immigrants moving into mid-nineteenth-century Mexico, Mexican sugar beet workers coming to western Nebraska, the growth of new meatpacking industries in the upper Midwest, or the regional impact of the World War II-era Bracero Program, these essays all explore how immigrants arrived at new places in the U.S. heartland and how U.S. citizens in declining rural communities adjusted to their presence. On the one hand, citizens in several communities worked hard to welcome new immigrants and to support their transition to living in the United States. For example, in Humanizing Latino Newcomers in the 'No Coast' Region, Edmund T. …

In this study, Thomas Bruscino examines how white veterans embedded ethnic and religious pluralism brought home from World War II in the American Cold War consensus. Bruscino builds his thesis on a mix of sources, including letters, memoirs, government documents, and the GI Roundtable pamphlet series produced during the war by the American Historical Association. His well‐written, accessible narrative will interest both scholars of war and society and the general public. The World War II military experience, Bruscino argues, taught white American GIs to unite across ethnic and religious boundaries in order to win the war. From the humiliations of boot camp to the terrors of combat, and even during the long periods of tedium in between, white American GIs learned to depend upon, and even love, people who were different from themselves. Focusing primarily on the Army infantry, Bruscino finds numerous soldiers commenting both on the diversity of their units and the bonds of brotherhood that carried them throughout the war. The multi‐ethnic “band of brothers” so popular in recent Hollywood portrayals, he discovers, was not a myth.

"The History of the North Carolina Community Party, by Gregory S. Taylor." Labor History, 52(3), pp. 353–354

Research Article| May 01 2010 Unexpected Foes: World War II Veterans and Labor in the Postwar South Jennifer Brooks Jennifer Brooks Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Labor (2010) 7 (2): 27–52. https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-2009-076 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Twitter Permissions Search Site Citation Jennifer Brooks; Unexpected Foes: World War II Veterans and Labor in the Postwar South. Labor 1 May 2010; 7 (2): 27–52. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-2009-076 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter Books & JournalsAll JournalsLabor Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Labor and Working-Class History Association2010 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal Issue Section: Articles You do not currently have access to this content.

This book explores the role that the United States Senate's southern Democratic caucus played in obstructing the achievement of substantive civil rights reform. Keith M. Finley examines all of the rhetorical dimensions of the many arguments marshaled by southern senators against legislation to enact a federal anti-lynching statute, repeal poll taxes, create a permanent Fair Employment Practices Commission (FEPC), end segregation in the South, and protect black voting rights. In this detailed assessment of political rhetoric and the legislative process, Finley finds both diversity within southern white opposition to racial change and continuity in how southern senators tried to slow its momentum. His study broadens our perspective on the civil rights movement, reminding us of the importance of national political events and, ironically, the national democratic process that empowered the southern caucus's program of “strategic delay.” Developed primarily by Senator Richard Russell of Georgia, “strategic delay” relied on manipulating Senate rules covering filibustering and cloture to thwart the progress of civil rights legislation from the late 1930s until the mid-1960s. By the 1930s, black voting power outside of the Deep South spurred the realization among members of the southern caucus that civil rights advocates were not going to stop pushing for change no matter how many battles they lost. Continued success in stymieing their program depended upon crafting a lasting coalition across regional and party lines. To attract northern Democrats and conservative Republicans, most southern senators moderated their most venomous racial rhetoric, replacing it with a bevy of legal, constitutional, political, and, upon occasion, even religious arguments. Under Senator Russell's tutelage, the southern caucus also recognized the political utility of compromise. Concessions on smaller, less significant reforms, such as the Soldier Voting Act of 1942, diminished the appearance of knee-jerk obstructionism, earning the goodwill of non-southern senators and making strident opposition to other civil rights legislation more palatable to their colleagues. Softening their racial rhetoric and employing constitutional and political arguments were combined with a masterful manipulation of Senate rules and seniority to become the heart of “strategic delay.” The southern caucus thus hoped to slow the movement for racial reform until it expired from a lack of momentum.

In Lincoln's Lost Legacy, Simon Topping considers how the Republican party, once the party of emancipation, so thoroughly lost its civil rights legacy. He examines the period from the 1920s to 1952 and sketches out a story that is more of neglect, apathy, and political incompetence than of outright racial hostility. He also corrects assumptions about when, how, and why the black exodus from the Republican party occurred. In essence, some Republican leaders recognized the importance of black voters and advocated for issues such as antilynching statutes, the removal of poll taxes, and fair employment regulation. However, other factions within the party were not so convinced. Herbert Hoover, for example, excelled at alienating black citizens. After gaining the presidency in 1928, Hoover purged the southern gop of black politicians under the guise of anticorruption reform. Those actions and others helped politicize black voters against the gop well before the pivotal presidential election of 1936.

The spotted gum species complex represents a group of four eucalypt hardwood taxa that have a native range that spans the east coast of Australia, with a morphological cline from Victoria to northern Queensland. Of this group, Corymbia citriodora subsp. variegata (CCV) is widespread in south-eastern Queensland and northern New South Wales. It is currently the most commonly harvested native hardwood in Queensland. However, little basic knowledge of the reproductive biology of the species is available to inform genetic improvement and resource management programmes. Here we take an integrative approach, using both field and molecular data, to identify ecological factors important to mating patterns in native populations of CCV. Field observation of pollinator visitation and flowering phenology of 20 trees showed that foraging behaviour of pollinator guilds varies depending on flowering phenology and canopy structure. A positive effect of tree mean flowering effort was found on insect visitation, while bat visitation was predicted by tree height and by the number of trees simultaneously bearing flowers. Moreover, introduced honeybees were observed frequently, performing 73% of detected flower visits. Conversely, nectar-feeding birds and mammals were observed sporadically with lorikeets and honeyeaters each contributing to 11% of visits. Fruit bats, represented solely by the grey-headed flying fox, performed less than 2% of visits. Genotyping at six microsatellite markers in 301 seeds from 17 families sampled from four of Queensland's native forests showed that CCV displays a mixed-mating system that is mostly outcrossing (t m = 0.899 ± 0.021). Preferential effective pollination from near-neighbours was detected by means of maximum-likelihood paternity analysis with up to 16% of reproduction events resulting from selfing. Forty to 48% of fertilising pollen was also carried from longer distance (>60 m). Marked differences in foraging behaviour and visitation frequency between observed pollinator guilds suggests that the observed dichotomy of effective pollen movement in spotted gums may be due to frequent visit from introduced honeybees favouring geitonogamy and sporadic visits from honeyeaters and fruit bats resulting in potential long-distance pollinations.