Economic mobility means different things to different people, but four major classes of mobility measures have been identified in the literature: positional, directional, mobility as an equaliser of long-term earnings, and earnings risk (or flux). We illustrate some advantages of a multifaceted approach by comparing German and American earnings mobility using multiple indices from each of the four major classes for three panels of 10-year intervals. We anticipate and confirm that due to extensive differences in the German and American labour markets and in other social institutions that influence labour market outcomes, each country dominates in one facet of mobility but not in the others. Thus, a multifaceted approach contributes to a better understanding of the strengths and weakness of the two systems.

We investigate the racial differences in positional and directional earning mobility for blacks and whites using seven 6-year longitudinal samples drawn from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, extending from 1973 through 2015. Positional mobility comparisons are mixed for the proportion of each sample moving to a higher earnings category but reveal a higher percentage of blacks than whites trapped in the bottom 25% of the distribution of earnings. Directional mobility comparisons show that the mean increase from the initial to final earnings distribution was significantly greater for whites than for blacks throughout 1973–85 and 1997–2009. A breakdown of these findings by gender reveals that they arise primarily from the labor market experience of black men, who face more severe racial disparities in positional and directional earning mobility than black women. Overall, these findings on intragenerational earning mobility are in line with recent research on intergenerational mobility in the US.

The first paper of this volume illustrates the trajectory of income inequality in wealthy countries over the course of recent decades, while the second carries out a comprehensive assessment of income redistribution through taxes and transfers across OECD countries over the last two decades. The next two papers cover the topic of income mobility, one interpreting the Bartholomew index of mobility in terms of a directional mobility index, and the second providing a framework for the measurement of income mobility over a range of time periods. A fifth paper studies the potential equalization of rising educational attainment. The next paper investigates the effect the number of children within different age groups has on poverty. In the seventh, it is shown that a social planner who seeks to efficiently reduce the aggregate relative deprivation of the population, coincides with the Rawlsian social planner. Finally, the last paper generalizes the Oaxaca-Blinder approach to measure wage discrimination under imperfect information. Format: Hardback Pagination: 292 Price: £75.00 $105.00 €90.00 Publication Date: 26th Nov 2020 ISBN: 9781800430402

This chapter argues that in countries with well-functioning democracies most individuals should be "content" with the underlying income distribution. The authors derive this result from James Buchanan's notion of a "fiscal constitution." The authors test this hypothesis using data from the World Values Survey where respondents are asked whether "incomes should be more equal., or do we need larger differences in income as incentives?" The authors' empirical results indicate that the concentration of re-distributional preferences around the median response is positively related to the presence of a democratic voice.

We revisit the distributional implications of macroeconomic activity in the USA by estimating the effects of the unemployment and inflation rates on the quintile Lorenz ordinates. We have access to 16 years of additional data (1995–2010) that were not available for the earlier studies, covering the deepest recession since the Great Depression. These additional data do not substantively change the results regarding the effects of unemployment and inflation on income inequality (both increase it). Adding controls for other important macroeconomic variables that have increased substantially in recent decades (public transfers, government budget deficits, and openness to trade) also has little effect on the findings regarding unemployment and inflation. Changes in budget deficits are uniformly equalizing, and public transfers increase the share of the bottom 20% across different specifications. Greater openness to international trade increases inequality in some specifications but has little effect when we also include controls for public transfers and budget deficits.

Using official regional price parities (RPPs) recently released by the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, we investigate how RPP adjustments affect the entire distribution of U.S. family incomes, poverty, inequality, tax progressivity, and metro-size agglomeration premiums. We find that higher-income families tend to live in higher-price areas, so regional mean incomes converge as real incomes fall in richer, higher-cost regions and rise in poorer, lower-cost regions. Further, the differences in poverty rates for the metro and non-metro areas vanish and we find re-rankings in poverty rates among the 9 Census Divisions. RPP adjustments also influence income inequality and effective U.S. tax progressivity. They increase effective federal tax progressivity by more than 25 %, equivalent to a $2,500 cash transfer. When we control for local prices and the characteristics of the family head, income (agglomeration) premiums for major metropolitan areas largely, but not completely, disappear.

There are conflicting views of the primary role of income inequality in economic development. Many expect that higher income shares at the top reflect substantial economic contributions while others think that these increases in top shares have not translated into higher economic growth. Recently, this debate has been reinvigorated by a new proposal: higher income inequality could hurt economic performance by decreasing future intergenerational mobility. We contribute to this debate by examining the relationship between intergenerational perceived job status mobility and past income inequality. We find a robust negative association of lagged income inequality with upward intergenerational job status mobility and a robust positive association of lagged income inequality with downward intergenerational job status mobility. In addition, we find that the quality of political institutions and religious fractionalization both contribute positively to job status mobility. Higher levels of past Gross Domestic Product (GDP) result in less upward job status mobility and more downward job status mobility.

We point out an anomaly in the adjustment for family size in the US Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM). The equivalence scale for the SPM implies an instance of increasing marginal costs for an additional adult. A similar criticism of the official US poverty measure was one of several concerns that led to the creation of the SPM. We propose two possible solutions for the problem and show that eliminating the anomaly from the SPM has the greatest effect on the poverty rate for the elderly, as that group is more concentrated near the poverty line.

The U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis has recently released regional price parities (RPPs) for the 325 Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas and the 50 state nonmetropolitan areas. We consider the effects of RPP adjustments on four public policy issues: poverty rates, family income inequality, tax progressivity, and metropolitan-size premiums. We demonstrate that RPP adjustments strongly affect the spatial distribution of U.S. poverty, have an equalizing effect on income inequality (equivalent to a $1,500 cash transfer to each U.S. family), and also increase effective federal tax progressivity by more than 25 percent. Income premiums for the major metropolitan areas largely disappear after adjusting for spatial prices and controlling for the characteristics of family heads. Metro-size premiums also depend on whether we adjust incomes by the overall RPPs or a narrower housing-price index (as in earlier research). We conjecture that other public policy findings are sensitive to adjustments for spatial price differences.

This study examines possible redistributional effects of the National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP), using a nationwide database of flood insurance policies and claims between 2001 and 2013 from the Federal Emergency Management Agency. Applying methods from the tax and transfer progressivity literature, we use the departure from per capita income proportionality at the zip code level as our measure of progressivity. Our findings indicate that premiums as a percentage of coverage purchased are regressive: premium shares are larger than income shares for lower-income zip codes. Payouts, however, also as a percentage of coverage purchased, are progressive, meaning lower-income zip codes receive a larger portion of claims paid. Overall net premiums (premiums – payouts) divided by coverage are also regressive. Our findings are driven by certain aspects of the current rate structure of the NFIP, as well as how income is related to risk. We discuss potential policies to provide assistance to lower-income households in purchasing flood insurance.

We propose a definition of second‐order discrimination that does not require the reference distribution to first‐order dominate the comparison one, and allows rankings of discrimination patterns when both the reference and the comparison distributions differ. It involves comparing the probabilities that randomly selected individuals in the reference and comparison distributions belong to subgroups having the same cumulative mean income, yields orderings of distributions equivalent to those from generalized Lorenz dominance, and allows orderings of discrimination patterns, partial or complete, across pairs of distributions. We compare discrimination against U.S. seniors (inter‐distributional inequality between seniors and non‐seniors) by ethnicity.

Questions about the adequacy of the official poverty measure led to the development of the Supplemental Poverty Measure, designed to be released concurrently with the official poverty measure. We raise two concerns with the Supplemental Poverty Measure: a discontinuity in the economies of scale implied by the equivalence scale and the adjustment for local prices using only housing costs. We propose corrections for both issues that can be applied by anyone using the public use files of the Current Population Survey. The changes we propose would have the greatest effect on poverty rates for the elderly and would reduce the difference in poverty rates by metro status.

In the wake of China’s enormous success transitioning to a market economy there is a widely held belief among researchers and policymakers that the country’s income distribution has become excessively unfair. Previous authors have argued ‘the perception of inequality is one of the key elements of the attitudes toward reforms’. We hypothesize that reform ‘winners’ (educated, high income, higher ranking Party officials) will express less dissatisfaction with the current income distribution and reform ‘losers’ (less educated, lower income, lower ranking Party members) will express greater dissatisfaction with the current income distribution. To test this hypothesis we use two unique data sets, the 2002 Chinese Household Income Project and the World Values Survey. We find that the perception of unfairness is highly correlated with actual or perceived income, current prospects, attitude toward corruption, and status of Party membership.

We estimate subjective equivalence scales for the whole Euro Zone as well as its individual constituent countries using the European Income and Living Conditions (SILC) data. Importantly, by using minimum needs income question our approach does not require the specification of a complete social welfare function. Our subjective scales increase consistently with household size and countries with well-developed welfare states (Netherlands, Germany, France, and Belgium) show greater economies of scale than less developed welfare states (Spain, Portugal, and Greece). Our approach also allows us to estimate the marginal cost of a child; we find that for the Eurozone adding the first child is more costly than adding a third adult and that the marginal cost of children declines. Comparing modified OECD and our subjective poverty rates we find that the subjective scales ‘redistribute poverty’ away from larger to smaller households.

We gauge the impact of the Great Recession on racial and ethnic subgroups by applying a stochastic dominance method proposed by Le Breton, et al. (2012). The method generates a partial discrimination ordering – or alternatively, a measure of the economic advantage for one subgroup relative to another. We apply the method to Current Population Survey data for 2006 through 2012, covering the recession years and the beginning of the recovery, and construct a comprehensive income measure that includes in-kind transfers and taxes. We find statistically significant differences in the impact of the Great Recession at the lower tails of the income distributions for blacks and Hispanics.

Countries with greater income inequality also tend to have less intergenerational mobility. This relationship, as referred by Krueger (2012), is called "The Great Gatsby Curve." Criticisms on this curve have brought to notice several limitations of previous studies: a few number of observations; short gap of time between measured inequality and immobility; heterogeneous databases; and model-based estimates of immobility. To correct for some of these limitations, we test for the impact of past income inequality on intergenerational social status persistence using the International Social Survey Program (2009). In accordance with previous studies, we find a positive relationship between these two variables, though the relatively poor model fit suggests the presence of other factors. In this respect, we find that past economic freedom has a negative and significant impact on social status persistence, while previous growth is not significant.

This paper applies Buchanan’s notion of a fiscal constitution to income distribution analysis. The fiscal constitution postulates that tax and transfer shares are broadly considered to be equitable and “semi-permanent.” A testable hypothesis of the Buchanan model is that in countries with wellfunctioning democracies most individuals should be “content” with the underlying income distribution. We measure the degree of contentment by a clustering of responses near the median response and a lack of contentment by the dispersion of equality preferences. In a unique dataset, the World Values Survey (WVS), respondents were asked whether “incomes should be more equal..., or do we need larger differences in income as incentives?” As an example of dispersion of preferences we find that only 13 percent of US respondents are strongly dissatisfied (in either direction) with the US income distribution while 43 percent of Argentine respondents are strongly dissatisfied with the Argentina’s income distribution. Using four waves of WVS data we model the distribution of responses to the equality question as a function of democracy/freedom indicators and the degree of income inequality.

This study examines the redistributional effects of the National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP) using a national database of premium, coverage, and claim payments at the county level between 1980 and 2006. Measuring progressivity as the departure from per capita county income proportionality, the authors find that NFIP premiums are typically proportional if the time horizon is extended beyond a single year, while claim payments are moderately progressive over all time horizons studied. The net effect of the NFIP program, defined as indemnity payments net of premiums, indicates that NFIP is proportional or at most mildly progressive, while the effect is modest. In sum, the authors find no evidence that the NFIP disproportionally advantages richer counties.