Обзоры и рецензии 144 но-угорских языков (типа венгерских MO происхождению арготизмов ловак 'лошадь' и хаз 'дом') получены восточнославянским ар- ro B XV-XVI вв., а многочисленные вклю- чения из мордовского, марийского и незна- чительные арготизмы из удмуртского, коми, карельского, финского и других языков финно-угорской семьи произошли позднее (ХУП-ХУШи особенно ХХ вв
„Eesti grammatika“ on koguteos, mis kirjeldab enam kui tuhandel leheküljel eesti keele ehitust alates häälikutest kuni lausete ja dialoogideni. Raamatu viis osa annavad ülevaate eesti keele foneetikast ja fonoloogiast, sõnamuutmisest ja sõnamoodustusest, kirjalikust süntaksist ning esmakordselt ka suulise keele süntaksist ja dialoogi põhiehitusest. Sissejuhatus tutvustab keele tasandeid ja keelekirjelduse põhimõisteid. Grammatika koondab ennekõike selle sajandi eesti keele uurimise tulemusi, pakkudes kasutajale ühtede kaante vahel olulist teavet nüüdiseesti ühiskeele kõigi peamiste aspektide kohta. Käsitlus toetub tänapäevase keelekasutuse andmetele ning toob esile ka keelekasutuse varieerumise ja muutumise tendentsid. Raamatu lõpus on põhjalik eesti keele alaste uurimuste valikbibliograafia. „Eesti grammatika“ on vajalik infoallikas kõigile, kelle töö, õpingud või huvid seostuvad eesti keelega.
Estonian has two types of resultative clauses -goal-marking (GM) and source-marking (SM) resultative clauses.Both can be either intransitive or transitive.A GM-clause reveals the presence of the referent of the subject or the object before the beginning of the change, which is not the case for an SMclause.The same verbs are used in both constructions, which allows treating the opposition in these constructions as a diathetic one.
In Estonian the prototypical non-verbal predicate is a noun or an adjective in the nominative case. The noun expresses class-inclusion, the adjective â a property. The prototypical predicative is non-marked in regard to time-stability. Time-stability can be marked by a non-prototypical form both in the case of class-inclusion as well as in the case of property. In the case of class-inclusion, temporary and random class-membership are marked by the translative, not by the essive. This feature makes Estonian similar to Russian and the Baltic languages and distinguishes it from Finnish. The essive is a relatively new case in Standard Estonian and its use is restricted. In copula sentences the essive can only be found as a marker of secondary predication. Temporariness of a property is marked by a non-prototypical clause pattern. The ways of marking the property depend on the semantic type of the property.
The singular and plural 2nd person forms are central and stable in the paradigm of the Estonian imperative. The other forms are characterized by variation in use and forms, which points to certain function shifts. The shifts are caused by pragmatic and semantic factors; they have an important role in the situation structure and communicative function. The indicative form is mostly used instead of the 1st person plural imperative. Both forms, however, have their own usage area and nuances. The ku-/gu- marked the original optative form and the permissive construction with the particle las show similar developments into: 1) the third person imperative form, 2) evidential imperative, and 3) concessive. The grammaticalization of the shifts under discussion is still underway â the indicative form acting as the imperative form has not acquired the object government as yet, and the source meaning of the las-construction is still affecting its behaviour ruling out the use of the 2nd person forms.
A peculiar feature of Estonian is that the third person imperative marker has extended to all the persons, as well as the impersonal, e.g.Ma / sa / ta / me / te / nad kirjutagu kiri 'I / you / he / we / you / they should write a letter'; Kirjutatagu kiri 'A letter should be written'.* 'One should include among the moods 5.The optative mood (modus optativus), which shows that something is wished, desired, for example, I should beg, you should beg, he should beg, we should beg, they should beg.' 1 Most early grammars used the term 'optative' for the conditional.
Estonian clauses can be divided into two basic patterns: unmarked basic clauses and marked basic clauses, depending on whether the clause-initial topic is the subject or not.The main clausal topic of the unmarked basic clause has the typical coding and behavioural properties of the subject.The main clausal topic of the marked basic clauses is less grammaticalized than in the case of the unmarked basic clause.It may be realized not as a prototypical grammatical subject but as an adverbial (or an oblique or a direct object).If the sentence has the subject, it is a non-prototypical subject and its neutral position is after the verb (basic word order XVS).The main types of marked basic clauses include existential, possessive, source-marking resultative, and experiential clauses.The marked possessive, resultative and experiential clauses have their counterparts among unmarked clauses.Current trends in language use show expanding use of unmarked possessive and experiential basic clauses at the expense of marked clauses.This could be seen both as a language contactinduced shift from the Finno-Ugric clause patterns towards Standard Average European (SAE) patterns and as (just) simplification of the internal structure of the language.Resultative constructions show a tendency to use the focussed clause-final subject in both clause patterns.
GGG and the study of Estonian syntax The central field of study of the Research Group for Generative Grammar (GGG) was Estonian syntax. In the groupâs first works, in the mid-1960s, the method of transformation analysis was used; later, the preferred framework was generative grammar, especially Charles Fillmoreâs case grammar. Among the groupâs most important works was Huno Rätsepâs study of verb-governed sentence patterns (1978). After the abatement of the GGGâs activity, the main center of grammar studies became the grammar group of the Institute of Language and Literature, the core of which consisted of former GGG members. The group published the series of studies âArs Grammaticaâ and compiled an descriptive grammar of Estonian. In the mid-1990s, Estonian syntax studies came to be dominated by the functional-typological approach and the center for research shifted back to the University of Tartu, where a new generation of syntax researchers developed under the guidance of former GGG members. In addition to studying various problems of syntax, a new comprehensive account of Estonian syntax is being compiled at the University of Tartu, due to be completed in 2016.
1980. aastate algul käivitunud soome ja eesti keele kontrastiivse uurimise projekti “Soome ja eesti keele grammatiline võrdlus” üks põhiülesandeid oli kahe keele süntaktilise struktuuri võrdlus. Eesti poolelt vaadatuna andis projekti raames toimunud teadussuhtlus rohkesti infot ja ideid eesti keele süntaksi uurijatele ja eesti keele teadusliku grammatika koostajatele. Soome ja eesti süntaktilise struktuuri võrdluse seisukohalt oli siiski tegemist pigem ettevalmistava etapiga. Konkreetsete tulemusteni jõuti 1990. aastail, kui rahvusvahelises lingvistikas muutus üheks juhtivaks trendiks keeletüpoloogia. Turu ülikoolis algatatud jätkuprojekti “Läänemere piirkonna keelte grammatiline võrdlus” (SCLOMB) käigus loodi samanimeline korpus, mis kaasas soome ja eesti keele võrdlusesse ka nende kontaktkeeled. 1990. aastail ilmus hulk võrdlevaid artikleid, kusjuures eriti häid tulemusi saadi aspekti ja aja süsteemide võrdluses. Seni põhiliselt veaanalüüsi tulemusi käsitlev kogumik “Lähivertailuja” hakkas sisaldama ka struktuurivõrdlusi ning muutus teaduslikult kaalukamaks.
The Mother Tongue Society (Emakeele Selts) was founded at the University of Tartu in 1920 and joined the Academy of Sciences in 1946. The main activities of the society have been scholarly communication, publication of research and language materials, dialect gathering, language management, and popularization of linguistic knowledge. Scholarly communication has been carried out in the format of meetings with presentations and conferences. Since 1968 an annual linguistic conference in honour of Johannes Voldemar Veski has been organized each year. In 1922-1940 the society published the journal "Eesti Keel" (Estonian Language); in 1955 the scholarly journal "Emakeele Seltsi aastaraamat" (ESA; Yearbook of the Mother Tongue Society) began publication. In addition to periodicals, the Mother Tongue Society has also published its proceedings. During the first period of independence the Mother Tongue Society committed itself to the organization of systematic collection of Estonian dialects. By the end of 1940 over 720,000 slips with dialect words and almost 6,500 pages of dialect texts and dialect surveys had been collected. After the war dialect gathering continued through local informants, but by the 1980s the possibilities to gather older dialects had been exhausted. The Mother Tongue Society paid a great deal of attention to language planning. In the pre-war years the Estonianization of foreign (mostly German and Russian) personal names was a major undertaking. In 1960 the committee of the Mother Tongue Society was set up for the purpose of recommended correct usage. Since 1997 it has functioned as an official norm-setting committee. Despite the fact that the Mother Tongue Society has primarily always been a scholarly society, it has also provided linguistic education of people as well as generated interest and created a positive image of the mother tongue. In the 1960s the society started to hold language days at schools, in the 1990s language days for Estonians living abroad. In 2000 the society started to publish a popular language journal "Oma Keel" (Our Own Language).
29. juulil 2010 sai 60-aastaseks Tartu ülikooli tänapäeva eesti keele professor Helle Metslang
Eesti kirjakeeles on viis vastandavat sidesõna: aga,kuid,ent,kuna ja vaid. Sidesõnu aga,kuid ja ent on peetud sünonüümideks. Tegelikult on aga üldvastandav sidesõna, mida on võimalik kasutada nii kontrastiivse (Mari on virk,aga Juku laisk) kui ka ootusvastase vastanduse puhul (Sajab,aga me lähme jalutama). Erinevalt teistest vastandavatest sidesõnadest on sidesõnal aga ka konnektiivpartikli omadusi –ta ei pruugi paikneda lause algul (Mari on virk,Juku aga laisk). Sidesõnad kuid ja enton mõlemad ootusvastast vastandust markeerivad sidesõnad (Sajab,kuid/ent me lähme jalutama), aga ent esineb keskmiselt seitse korda vähem kui kuid, kusjuures tema põhiliseks kasutusvaldkonnaks on ilukirjandus. Kontrastiivset vastandust võib markeerida ka kuna, kuid harva. Tänapäeval on kuna kasutusel ennekõike kausaalse sidesõnana. Korrigeeriva vastanduse markerina on üldlevinud vaid(Ma ei söö mitte saia,vaid leiba), sidesõnade aga,kuid ja ent kasutus on võimalik peamiselt siis, kui korrektsioonile lisandub mööndus (Saia ma ei söö,aga/kuid/ent leiba küll).
The paper presents a concise overview of the main syntactic features of Estonian. It deals with basic clause patterns, case marking of arguments, verbs and verb categories, non-verbal predication, word order, expression of speech acts and negation, noun phrases, p-phrases, subordinate clauses, and coordination.
Estonian has both the verbal grammatical category of the proximative and the avertive, which could be treated as the unmarked and marked categories of the prospective. The proximative is mainly expressed either by means of the partly grammaticalized verbs ahvardama 'threaten', tahtma 'want', tootama 'promise', etc. (Puder ahvardas pohja korbeda 'the porridge threatened to boil away'), which is similar to many other European languages, or by means of the mas-construction (Vene vaed on Gorist lahkumas 'the Russian forces are about to leave Gori'). In Estonian the avertive is morphologically not linked with proximativity. It is noteworthy from the typological perspective that the avertive auxiliary stems from the imperfect form of the verb pidama 'must, have to', which expresses agent-oriented modality (Ta pidi oma kohast ilma jaama 'he was to lose his job'). The development occurred through the intermediate intentional stage, which in addition to the avertive gave rise to the quotative (Praegugi pidi neid mitrnes kohas maas vedelema 'even now they are reported to be lying about on the ground in various places').
In many languages the comitative construction expressing the relation of accompaniment has developed or is developing into the coordinating construction. In Estonian the accompaniment comitative occurs as a verbal adjunct, e.g. Juri laks (k o o s) M a r e g a kinno 'Juri went to the cinema with Mare'. However, the beginnings of coordination are evident in those constructions where a comitative-marked NP precedes the verb, immediately following the primary NP (i.e. the constituent that occupies a higher position in the hierarchy of grammatical relations than the comitative-marked NP), e.g. Peaminister NN (k o o s) a b i k a a s a g a jouab tagasi visiidilt Soome 'Prime Minister NN with his spouse returns from a visit to Finland'. At first the contact position highlights relatedness and is highly natural where phrases denote internally closely related concepts - semantically or culturally. At this initial stage of coordination the number of the verb still reflects the number of the nominative NP, but occasional examples of a plural verb with the contact comitative indicate that coordination could develop further. More syntactic and semantic properties of the coordinating construction are manifested in the inclusory comitative construction, that is, in the construction where the referent of a comitative-marked NP is among the referents of the primary constituent, e.g. Meie s i n u g a (= mina ja sina) kaisime maal 'We with you (= me and YOU) visited the countryside'. At the same time the comitative constituent of the inclusory construction has in addition to the properties of the conjunct also some properties of the apposition (specifying the composition of the group) and the adjunct (can be placed after the verb). For this reason, this constituent cannot be classified in the traditional manner.