Smallholder farmers in Africa are vulnerable to changing climatic conditions because of their dependence on rainfed agriculture. Their adaptation strategies, which are critical for food security, are oftentimes influenced by their risk-taking attitude. This study examines whether experiencing climatic shocks (defined here as drought events) shapes farmers' risk aversion. The study addresses two crucial questions: 1) how do drought events alter risk preferences among smallholder farmers; and 2) how long does the impact last? Using a panel survey from Zambia and high spatial resolution climate data, we infer the average Arrow-Pratt and downside risk aversion coefficients from the moment of the distribution of crop production. We find that, on average, the sampled farmers are risk averse. Furthermore, farmers who experienced a drought in the previous year become more risk averse, while farmers who experienced recurring droughts within the previous three years become even more risk averse. These results have implications on adaptation to climate change.

The objective of this study is to assess the associations of race/ethnicity and severe housing problems with COVID-19 death rates in the US throughout the first three waves of the COVID-19 pandemic in the US. We conducted a cross-sectional study using a negative binomial regression model to estimate factors associated with COVID-19 deaths in 3063 US counties between March 2020 and July 2021 by wave and pooled across all three waves. In Wave 1, counties with larger percentages of Black, Hispanic, American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN), and Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) residents experienced a greater risk of deaths per 100,000 residents of +22.82 (95% CI 15.09, 30.56), +7.50 (95% CI 1.74, 13.26), +13.52 (95% CI 8.07, 18.98), and +5.02 (95% CI 0.92, 9.12), respectively, relative to counties with larger White populations. By Wave 3, however, the mortality gap declined considerably in counties with large Black, AIAN and AAPI populations: +10.38 (95% CI 4.44, 16.32), +7.14 (95% CI 1.14, 13.15), and +3.72 (95% CI 0.81, 6.63), respectively. In contrast, the gap increased for counties with a large Hispanic population: +13 (95% CI 8.81, 17.20). Housing problems were an important predictor of COVID-19 deaths. However, while housing problems were associated with increased COVID-19 mortality in Wave 1, by Wave 3, they contributed to magnified mortality in counties with large racial/ethnic minority groups. Our study revealed that focusing on a wave-by-wave analysis is critical to better understand how the associations of race/ethnicity and housing conditions with deaths evolved throughout the first three COVID-19 waves in the US. COVID-19 mortality initially took hold in areas characterized by large racial/ethnic minority populations and poor housing conditions. Over time, as the virus spread to predominantly White counties, these disparities decreased substantially but remained sizable.

In 2024, Resources Policy reaches its 50th anniversary as a journal. Fifty years leading the field of mineral and fossil fuel policies and economic research worldwide. Considering this special milestone, we provide a forward-looking view in this paper, highlighting seven areas we believe are critical for robust research that Resources Policy should publish in the future. Leveraging our research expertise and knowledge with the journal, these seven areas of future research include implications of post-mining and energy transitions, the dark side of critical minerals, the increasing substitution of local labour by alternative inputs, the role of the resource curse in resilience considerations, the cleaner production role of mining, macroeconomic frameworks, and the future of mining beyond mines (deep-sea and space mining). We believe more research is needed in these seven research areas, which can enhance our understanding of critical aspects, reduce uncertainty, and provide novel ways to address societal, environmental, economic and policy challenges related to the extraction and use of minerals and fossil fuels.

Abstract We run an experiment in five countries with 7,132 respondents to study how information about the behaviour of others affects contributions to climate change mitigation. Acting on behalf of their own countries, respondents receive information about the average contribution of four other countries, their individual contributions and endowments, and the identities of these countries. We identify a follow-the-majority effect (respondents increase their contributions as the average contribution of others increases), a dispersion effect (respondents decrease their contributions as the standard deviation of the distribution of others' contributions increases), and a follow-the-leader effect (respondents increase their contributions when they observe the identity of the lead contributor). Our results indicate that the interaction between information and other-regarding preferences might be a relevant tool to improve global cooperation. JEL: H41; Q54; Q58; C90

La vacunación contra agentes infecciosos como influenza y neumococo está ampliamente recomendada para pacientes con artritis reumatoide, no se conoce la prevalencia de adherencia a estos programas de vacunación en México.Se realizó un estudio descriptivo trasversal, por medio de aplicación de encuesta a pacientes adultos con diagnóstico de artritis reumatoide atendidos en un hospital de tercer nivel en la Ciudad de México.Se incluyeron 227 pacientes, se encontró una prevalencia de vacunación contra influenza en 31,3% y contra neumococo en 17,6% de los pacientes, los principales motivos para el no cumplimiento del esquema de vacunación estuvieron en relación con el desconocimiento y a la recomendación por parte de los médicos de no hacerlo.El cumplimiento de los esquemas de vacunación recomendados en la población estudiada es más bajo que los reportados en otras poblaciones. Las intervenciones más importantes para mejorar la cobertura deben ir encaminadas a la educación tanto de pacientes, como de personal médico.Vaccination against pathogens such as influenza or pneumococcus is widely recommended for patients with rheumatoid arthritis; the prevalence of adherence to these vaccination programmes in Mexico is not known.A cross-sectional descriptive study was carried out, through the application of a survey to adult patients with a diagnosis of rheumatoid arthritis treated in a tertiary hospital in Mexico City.227 patients were included, vaccination against influenza was found in 31.3% and against pneumococcus in 17.6% of patients, the main reasons for non-compliance with the vaccination schedule were related to ignorance and the recommendation by doctors not to do so.Compliance with the recommended vaccination schedules in the studied population is lower than those reported in other populations. The most important interventions to improve coverage should be aimed at educating both patients and medical personnel.

IMPORTANCE Food insecurity is prevalent among racial/ethnic minority populations in the US. To date, few studies have examined the association between pre-COVID-19 experiences of food insecurity and COVID-19 infection rates through a race/ethnicity lens. OBJECTIVE To examine the associations of race/ethnicity and past experiences of food insecurity with COVID-19 infection rates and the interactions of race/ethnicity and food insecurity, while controlling for demographic, socioeconomic, risk exposure, and geographic confounders. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS This cross-sectional study examined the associations of race/ethnicity and food insecurity with cumulative COVID-19 infection rates in 3133 US counties, as of July 21 and December 14, 2020. Data were analyzed from November 2020 through March 2021. EXPOSURES Racial/ethnic minority groups who experienced food insecurity. MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES The dependent variable was COVID-19 infections per 1000 residents. The independent variables of interest were race/ethnicity, food insecurity, and their interactions. RESULTS Among 3133 US counties, the mean (SD) racial/ethnic composition was 9.0%(14.3%) Black residents, 9.6%(13.8%) Hispanic residents, 2.3%(7.3%) American Indian or Alaska Native residents, 1.7%(3.2%) Asian American or Pacific Islander residents, and 76.1%(20.1%) White residents. The mean (SD) proportion of women was 49.9% (2.3%), and the mean (SD) proportion of individuals aged 65 years or older was 19.3%(4.7%). In these counties, large Black and Hispanic populations were associated with increased COVID-19 infection rates in July 2020. An increase of 1 SD in the percentage of Black and Hispanic residents in a county was associated with an increase in infection rates per 1000 residents of 2.99 (95% CI, 2.04 to 3.94; P < .001) and 2.91 (95% CI, 0.39 to 5.43; P = .02), respectively. By December, a large Black population was no longer associated with increased COVID-19 infection rates. However, a 1-SD increase in the percentage of Black residents in counties with high prevalence of food insecurity was associated with an increase in infections per 1000 residents of 0.90 (95% CI, 0.33 to 1.47; P = .003). Similarly, a 1-SD increase in the percentage of American Indian or Alaska Native residents in counties with high levels of food insecurity was associated with an increase in COVID-19 infections per 1000 residents of 0.57 (95% CI, 0.06 to 1.08; P = .03). By contrast, a 1-SD increase in Hispanic populations in a county remained independently associated with a 5.64 (95% CI, 3.54 to 7.75; P < .001) increase in infection rates per 1000 residents in December 2020 vs 2.91 in July 2020. Furthermore, while a 1-SD increase in the proportion of Asian American or Pacific Islander residents was associated with a decrease in infection rates per 1000 residents of -1.39 (95% CI, -2.29 to 0.49; P = .003), the interaction with food insecurity revealed a similar association (interaction coefficient, -1.48; 95% CI, -2.26 to -0.70; P < .001). CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE This study sheds light on the association of race/ethnicity and past experiences of food insecurity with COVID-19 infection rates in the United States. These findings suggest that the channels through which various racial/ethnic minority population concentrations were associated with COVID-19 infection rates were markedly different during the pandemic.

Agricultural production in sub-Saharan Africa faces a multitude of challenges arising from land degradation, climate change, and limited access to improved technology. In this context, technologies that raise farmers' crop productivity while mitigating risk exposure are particularly valuable. This study assesses the impacts of a modified, rainfed variant of the system of rice intensification (SRI) on expected yields, yield variance (variability) and yield skewness (exposure to downside risk) in Tanzania. The appeal of the technology lies in its yield-enhancing potential, its low demand for complementary external inputs as well as its drought resistance features. While the uptake of SRI has been considerable in Asia, the limited uptake in Africa is puzzling, particularly given its suitability for the African setting. Our empirical strategy relies on the estimation of marginal treatment effect (MTE) models. We find that, while the average effects on adopters suggest that SRI enhances yield and reduces the downside risk of crop failure, the marginal treatment effects indicate that only farmers with low resistance to adoption, benefit. Our analysis also highlights the importance of farmers' climate perception for the adoption of SRI and the need for policies that increase climate awareness to ensure food security. However, these results may well be specific to small scale, rainfed rice cultivation in Africa and therefore may not be generalizable to situations where SRI relies on irrigation. (C) 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

This paper analyses how labour institutions and ethnic identity shape favouritism and discrimination among workers. We conduct an experiment with union and non-union South African mineworkers from various ethnicities. We examine in-group and out-group behaviour, emphasizing the relative ranking of these groups and their interaction. We find that unions create both in-group and out-group favouritism towards co-ethnic members and members of ethnic majorities. This favouritism is however undermined by unionised subcontract workers who experience precarious conditions. Furthermore, union members discriminate against non-unionised ethnic minorities. Finally, non-union members (primarily subcontract workers) discriminate against union members, particularly after negative shocks.

This paper provides theoretical and empirical insights into the puzzling simultaneous rise in foreign direct investment inflows in Africa and capital flight from the continent over the past decades. Indeed, paradoxically, even as African countries have become more attractive to foreign private capital, they have continued to experience capital exodus in the context of improved economic performance, especially since the turn of the century. This paper explores three questions. First, does foreign direct investment fuel capital flight as has been established in the case of external borrowing? In other words, is there an FDI-fueled capital flight phenomenon akin to debt-fueled capital flight? Second, is natural resource endowment a possible channel for the capital flight-FDI link, given that resource-rich countries tend to be both preferred destinations of FDI and prominent sources of capital flight? Third, does the quality of institutions mitigate the impact of natural resources on capital flight? The paper develops a theoretical model that conceptualizes these linkages and sets the stage for an econometric investigation of these questions. The results from econometric analysis based on a sample of 30 African countries over the period 1970-2015 show that FDI flows are positively related to capital flight, suggesting a possible FDI-fueled capital flight phenomenon. However, there is no evidence for an FDI overhang effect; past stock of FDI has no impact on capital flight. High natural resource rents are associated with high capital flight and the quality of institutions does not mitigate this link. The paper offers some policy insights derived from the empirical results.

Technological change and its transfer to developing countries is often portrayed by policy-makers as a critical part of the solution to a resource problem such as climate change, based on the assumption that the transfer of resource-conserving technologies to developing countries will result in reduced use of natural capital by those countries. We demonstrate here, in a capital conversion based model of development, that the free transfer of resource-conserving technologies to developing countries will increase the options available to those countries, but that the way that they expend these options need not be in the direction of conserving resources. This is another example of the potential for a rebound effect to determine ultimateoutcomes, here in the context of international technology transfer policy. The transfer of technologies is as likely to simply move developing countries more rapidly down the same development path as it is to alter the choices they make along that path. For this reason, the transfer of resource conserving technologies, without incentives provided to alter development priorities, may not result in any resource-conservation at all.

In this article we examine whether foreign aid and natural resources can act as a double curse on developing countries with poor governance. We hypothesize that affording external liquidity to dictators based on their resource wealth reduces the political incentives for long term investment and enhances the looting of the country and more frequent irregular exit of leaders from their office. We then examine the empirical evidence for such a link between international aid flows and government irregular turnover in resource-rich countries. We find that the interaction between natural resources and most forms of international aid combines with political instability in the case of non-democratic regimes. In turn, this combination of foreign aid, natural resources and political instability is associated with lower growth performance. Some types of less fungible aid (notably humanitarian) and aid grants that do not build indebtedness do not seem to have this effect.

For some crimes the perpetrator can be detected costlessly but can be apprehended only at significant cost or not at all for some period of time. To deter strategic behavior in the period between detection and apprehension, authorities may wish to commit themselves to punishing the perpetrator once apprehended, regardless of his behavior or threats. However, we show that such efforts at commitment to ex post punishment may induce worse behavior and that it selects potential criminals of a worse type. We show that when law enforcement authorities cannot commit themselves perfectly, it is dangerous for them to try to commit, as it may invoke a strategic response that can worsen the situation. When law enforcement authorities do increase their commitment to punish such offenders, it is likely to lead to fewer but more gruesome crimes.

This report discusses the evolution of institutions and compares the quality of key formal institutions (Political and Civil Liberties, Political Instability, and Property Rights) from Ghana’s colonial era to its post-independence. The Political and Civil Liberties and Political Instability are studies from 1820 to 2010, while Property Rights were analyzed for the periods 1849-2010. It has been found that, on average, the post-independent democratic regimes guaranteed the best political and civil liberties, and property rights. However, the democratic regime recorded the highest documented political instability, which includes number of lives lost, political arrests and assassinations, declaration of State of Emergency, and armed related attacks. Further analysis revealed that within the post-independent era, compared to the military regimes, democratic regimes registered significantly higher economic growth rate, all else equal. By implication, better political and civil liberties, and property rights institutions positively correlate with economic growth

The objective of this article is to provide a succinct review of the main developments in the field of research on the economics of growth, innovation, diffusion and the environment. We focus on the last fifteen to twenty years of scientific advances in the field as this corresponds to: (i) the consensus on the theoretical side on endogenous economic growth modelling, and (ii) the growing empirical work on innovation and diffusion due to the development of patent data. As very good reviews already exist in the literature, we only provide a brief and non-exhaustive discussion aiming at taking stock of some recent developments and charting new issues for a future research agenda.

Abstract This article presents the de jure political and economic institutional indicators for Kenya for the period 1884–2010, and discusses their evolution over time. The construction of these indicators is based on the leximetric framework proposed by Fedderke et al. (2001), which relies on the formal legislative history that governs immovable property, political rights, and civil liberties. In doing so, we are able to capture the notion of permanency that characterizes institutions according to Douglass North. We provide a narrative that demonstrates how existing political and economic rights in Kenya were largely shaped by the legal framework introduced by the British settlers since 1884. These laws were initially designed to create a settler economy in order to recoup the heavy investments cost of the Uganda railway. To this end, the colonial authorities promoted a liberal freehold property rights system for the benefit of the settlers while curtailing the indigenous populations’ basic civil liberties and customary rights to land. We correlate these newly constructed indexes with conventional institutional indicators for overlapping periods. Overall, we find high unconditional correlations, which suggests that our indicators may be fairly reliable even in the long run (126 years).

Abstract This study discusses the measurement and the evolution of formal institutions (political and civil liberties [PCLs], property rights [PRs], and political instability [PI]) in Ghana from the colonial era to the postindependence period. The PCLs and PI are evaluated from 1820 to 2010, while property rights are analyzed for the period 1849–2010. It has been found that, on average, the postindependence democratic regimes guaranteed the best PCLs and PRs. However, the democratic regime recorded the highest documented political instability, which includes number of lives lost, political arrests and assassinations, declarations of state of emergency, and related armed attacks.

Abstract We construct three measures of political and economic institutions that cover a 150-year period (1862–2011) for Nigeria. To do so, we rely on a theoretical definition of the institutional measures, broken down into relevant components that assess the extent to which the Nigerian legal framework provides for specific rights and freedoms. We make use of preexisting (de jure) legislations, ordinances, and constitutions to assign scores to every relevant component. The newly constructed indicators (civil and political liberties, freehold property rights, and customary property rights) provide a platform for a comprehensive analysis of institutional change in Nigeria since 1862. We document the manner in which the evolution of these de jure institutional measures are shaped by Britain’s colonial objectives of gaining administrative control over the region to facilitate trade endeavors, the introduction of indirect rule, the amalgamation (unification) of the northern and southern parts of the country as well as postindependence military rule. We show that our measures of institutional quality are strongly correlated with existing and popular measures (for overlapping periods spanning at most 50 years). This finding bodes well for the reliability of our institutional indicators.

“Institutions matter†has become a generally accepted premise in development economics. The growth and development problems in Nigeria are also common knowledge. To better understand these problems a proper characterization of institutions in Nigeria is essential. Conducting empirical test of the role of institutions in Nigeria’s growth and development can prove challenging due to lack of institutional data set that span over a long time. In the event that short span data set is available, Glaeser et al. (2004) highlight the many flaws implicit in such measures constructed by political scientists in literature. In this paper, we construct an index of institution quality for the period 1862 through to 2011 for Nigeria, in doing so, we adopt a new method of measuring institutions, which makes use of pre-existing (de jure) legislations, ordinances and constitutions in constructing three institutional indicators; civil and political liberties, freehold property rights, and non-freehold (customary) property rights. These constructed indicators provide a platform for characterization and comprehensive analysis of how institutions haveevolved in Nigeria.