In late 1958, the United Nations General Assembly declared that 1959–60 would be recognized as World Refugee Year (wry). While this came a decade after the influx of the post-Second World War movement of refugees and displaced persons, it was initiated to deal with a growing worldwide refugee crisis, including a lingering population of refugees in Europe. The Canadian Committee for World Refugee Year was established in 1959 to respond to the un-declared special year. This article surveys the activities of wry in Canada, demonstrating that the engagement of Canadians with wry reveals a reluctant federal government, a broadly democratic national endeavour, and a grassroots movement of civil society actors committed to improve the lot of the world’s stateless and homeless. The attitudes of many Canadians as individuals or, represented by non-governmental agencies, as revealed in concrete action, demonstrate the positive role of civil society in social and political action. While some of the activities of wry reflected a condescending and colonialist mindset towards marginalized peoples, they also pointed to an emerging openness on the part of ordinary Canadians to refugee immigrants from across the globe.

were not enough to allow MacDonald to fully achieve her ambitions. Despite de facto running the Progressive Conservative Party headquarters from 1957 until she was fired in 1966, she was never considered for the national director position. Ever since the 1976 federal Progressive Conservative leadership convention, many have argued that Flora, not Joe Clark, should have started out in third place on the first ballot and then benefited from the coalescing of forces to become party leader. But at least a hundred delegates who claimed to support Flora, and even wore her button into the ballot box, voted for other contenders. Indeed, in Canada, “the Flora syndrome” is often used as shorthand for when a woman politician fails to achieve a leadership position because of her gender. But Flora’s evident talents could not be ignored. She was intimately involved as external affairs minister in two of the highlights of Joe Clark’s minority government: Canada’s welcoming of tens of thousands of Indochinese “boat people” and support for the “Canadian caper” extraction of American embassy staff from Iran. Unfortunately, the chapter on her time as a minister in Brian Mulroney’s government is rather brief, with barely a page on the landmark Employment Equity Act. Reflecting on her life, Flora states that “it is hard for anyone to assess his or her own accomplishments. I knew I had made a contribution, and I hoped I had made a difference in some of the causes I took on.” Flora! makes it clear that she definitely made both a contribution and a difference. matthew hayday University of Guelph

"Shelley Boyd and Dorothy Barenscott, eds. Canadian Culinary Imaginations." University of Toronto Quarterly, 91(3), pp. 338–339

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Abstract:With an emphasis on the British Empire Commonwealth, this article explores how English-speaking Canadians understood European colonialism – its historical purpose, legacies, and demise – and the anti-colonial nationalism that ranged against it in the years bracketing the United Nations' adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in 1960. An extensive survey of opinion in the mainstream English-language press, supplemented by the perspectives of intellectuals, diplomats, and parliamentarians, suggests that empire apologism, contempt for anti-colonial nationalism, and the misrepresentation of colonial liberation struggles were pervasive. Building on recent scholarship that explores how race thinking shaped Canada's international relations, and drawing from cultural theorist Kuan-Hsing Chen's concept of deimperialization, the author argues that the preponderance of these phenomena evinced and abetted a failure to come to terms with colonialism's deleterious imprint on the Third World.Résumé:Comment les Canadiens de langue anglaise ont-ils compris le colonialisme européen – son but historique, son héritage et sa disparition – et le nationalisme anticolonial qui a surgi en contrepartie dans les années précédant l'adoption par les Nations Unies, en 1960, de la Déclaration sur l'octroi de l'indépendance aux pays et aux peuples coloniaux? Tel est l'objet du présent article, qui met l'accent sur le Commonwealth de l'Empire britannique. Un relevé approfondi de l'opinion de la grande presse anglophone, complété par le point de vue d'intellectuels, de diplomates et de parlementaires, montre l'omniprésence de l'apologie de l'impérialisme, du mépris pour le nationalisme anticolonial et de la déformation des luttes de libération coloniale. S'appuyant sur des études récentes qui examinent comment la pensée raciale a façonné les relations internationales du Canada, et s'inspirant du concept de « désimpérialisation » du théoricien de la culture Kuan-Hsing Chen, l'auteure soutient que la prépondérance de ces attitudes témoigne d'une incapacité à accepter l'empreinte nocive du colonialisme sur le tiers monde.