INTRODUCTION:To assess strategies for optimizing participation of underserved minorities in a blood-based early colorectal cancer detection test study (PREEMPT CRC; NCT04369053) at a hospital serving primarily Black individuals. METHODS:Culturally sensitive, racially congruent research staff approached individuals undergoing average-risk screening colonoscopy. Consent/study procedures were synchronized with clinical appointments. Enrolled and not-enrolled patient characteristics were compared. Recruitment was compared with other study sites. RESULTS:In total, 247 of 509 eligible individuals were enrolled; most were identified as Black (88.7%). No baseline characteristics were associated with participation. Recruitment was high compared with other sites (11th centile). DISCUSSION:Recruitment barriers for Black individuals can be overcome when easy, culturally sensitive access is facilitated.

Zhe Zhang, Shelley M. Kimelberg, and Robert M. Adelman on underexamined urban change.

INTRODUCTION: Proton pump inhibitor (PPI) use was recently reported to be associated with increased severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) infection and worse clinical outcomes. The underlying mechanism(s) for this association are unclear. METHODS: We performed a prospective study of hospitalized coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) patients and COVID-negative controls to understand how PPI use may affect angiotensin-converting enzyme 2 (ACE2) expression and stool SARS-CoV-2 RNA. Analysis of a retrospective cohort of hospitalized patients with COVID-19 from March 15, 2020 to August 15, 2020 in 6 hospitals was performed to evaluate the association of PPI use and mortality. Covariates with clinical relevance to COVID-19 outcomes were included to determine predictors of in-hospital mortality. RESULTS: Control PPI users had higher salivary ACE2 mRNA levels than nonusers, 2.39 ± 1.15 vs 1.22 ± 0.92 (P = 0.02), respectively. Salivary ACE2 levels and stool SARS-CoV-2 RNA detection rates were comparable between users and nonusers of PPI. In 694 hospitalized patients with COVID-19 (age = 58 years, 46% men, and 65% black), mortality rate in PPI users and nonusers was 30% (68/227) vs 12.1% (53/439), respectively. Predictors of mortality by logistic regression were PPI use (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] = 2.72, P < 0.001), age (aOR = 1.66 per decade, P < 0.001), race (aOR = 3.03, P = 0.002), cancer (aOR = 2.22, P = 0.008), and diabetes (aOR = 1.95, P = 0.003). The PPI-associated mortality risk was higher in black patients (aOR = 4.16, 95% confidence interval: 2.28–7.59) than others (aOR = 1.62, 95% confidence interval: 0.82–3.19, P = 0.04 for interaction). DISCUSSION: COVID-negative PPI users had higher salivary ACE2 expression. PPI use was associated with increased mortality risk in patients with COVID-19, particularly African Americans.

Many neighborhoods in U.S. cities that were once predominantly black and poor have become largely white and middle class. The process of gentrification has fundamentally changed neighborhoods-and metropolises-throughout the United States. Using in-depth, in-person interview data from black and white young adults in two Buffalo, New York, neighborhoods, we seek to more fully develop the economic, social, and cultural explanations that draw new residents to such neighborhoods. The racial and neighborhood comparisons also allow us to make sense of gentrifiers' residential and housing choices. Several themes are developed from the data including neighborhood popularity, cost, and diversity. The data also reveal two types of gentrifiers: mindful and perfunctory. Mindful gentrifiers include residents who think about their socioeconomic footprint and issues such as displacement; perfunctory gentrifiers are more generally concerned with the amenities of a neighborhood. As city planners, social scientists, and others seek to improve the outcomes associated with gentrification, debates will benefit from detailed insights about young adults' residential decisions.

The threat of deportation shapes the way that unauthorized immigrants and their families interact with social institutions. For example, the adult children of unauthorized immigrants might avoid institutions that keep formal records (“surveilling” institutions) because such institutions could potentially expose their families to deportation. Using intergenerational data from the Immigration and Intergenerational Mobility in Metropolitan Los Angeles survey, we examine the relationship between immigrant parents’ authorization status and their adult children’s institutional participation ( n = 3,283). Results from Poisson and propensity-weighted regression models suggest that the adult children of unauthorized immigrants were more likely to avoid surveilling institutions, such as formal employment, than those with authorized parents. In contrast, parental immigration status was unrelated to their attachment to non-surveilling institutions, such as community groups or religious organizations. This finding suggests that the adult children of unauthorized immigrants are not systematically disengaged from all institutions but may avoid surveilling institutions in particular due to fear of their family’s deportation. This type of system avoidance may have long-term consequences for their social and economic mobility.

Few Americans would guess that from 2014 to 2017, Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Cincinnati, Ohio, and Greenville, South Carolina, were among the top ten metropolitan areas where population growth was attributable to immigrants (New American Economy [NAE] [27]) New York City, home to at least 3 million immigrants (Office of Immigrant Affairs [28]), is still the dominant end destination for immigrants and refugees, but not for refugees in their first placement Table 1 shows the placement of refugees by New York State metropolitan areas, the number of refugees settled in each city, and how the cities were ranked nationally by the number of refugees resettled in each from 2007 to 2016 The onslaught of the COVID-19 pandemic in the spring of 2020 will continue to slow the number of refugees entering Buffalo;the combined reaction of the federal government regarding refugee policy and the coronavirus will be felt for decades at the local level [Extracted from the article] Copyright of City & Community is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use This abstract may be abridged No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract (Copyright applies to all Abstracts )

The debate about undocumented immigration and its potential relation to crime continues to boil in the United States. We study this relationship by using two sets of estimates for the 2014 undocumented foreign-born population in U.S. metropolitan areas acquired from the Pew Research Center and the Migration Population Institute, 2013-2015 FBI Uniform Crime Report data, and 2011-2015 American Community Survey data from the U.S. Census Bureau, to model the association between undocumented immigration and violent and property crime. Findings are consistent across all estimates of metropolitan undocumented populations. Net of relevant covariates, we find negative effects of undocumented immigration on the overall property crime rate, larceny, and burglary; effects in models using violent crime measures as the outcomes are statistically non-significant. Although the results are based on cross-sectional data, they mirror other research findings that immigration either reduces or has no impact on crime, on average, and contribute to a growing literature on the relationship between immigration and crime.

Using a multi–methods approach, we examine socioeconomic and demographic change in Buffalo, New York's, West Side neighborhood. We do this by performing a systematic case study of the neighborhood analyzing census tract data, crime data, key informant interview data from community leaders and organizational representatives, and content analysis data from local newspaper articles. Results suggest that although the neighborhood has shifted dramatically over the last forty–five years, the changes have been uneven across the West Side. Two divergent areas have emerged: one neighborhood fueled by white gentrifiers and another driven by international migrants.

From the early twentieth century onward, research has found little to no support for a positive association between immigration and crime (Hayford 1911). In fact, much available research finds the opposite; more immigration leads to less crime. While the scholarly community has largely debunked as myth the idea that more immigrants lead to more crime, there remain many questions about the nature of the relationship between immigration and crime. Three articles in this special issue take up these more nuanced questions. The research presented in this special issue contributes new findings and perspectives on immigration, crime, law, and justice. The analyses range from studies of the relationship between undocumented immigration and crime among youthful offenders to studies of newspaper coverage of immigration and crime in Europe. Moreover, the questions addressed are informed by a productive mixture of quantitative and qualitative empirical evidence from the present and the past. As we look to the future, we encourage scholars to build from the work presented herein and to seek diverse data to build a better understanding of the complex ways that immigration, crime, law, and justice are interconnected.

I appreciate John Logan’s thoughts about census data; they mirror my own in many respects. Logan remarks on six issues regarding census data that incorporate two dimensions: measurement and improvement. Rather than repeat his commentary, I offer my own suggestions for the advancement of urban social science. From the outset, though, acknowledging the strengths and uses of census data should encourage the Census Bureau to refrain from making the census political—either as a decennial collection or in smaller forms such as the American Community Survey (ACS). At their best, census data are the optimum estimates we have of the U.S. population. My goal is to continue Logan’s discussion about the ways urban scholars can improve our conceptualizations and study of urban life.

Research has shown little support for the enduring proposition that increases in immigration are associated with increases in crime. Although classical criminological and neoclassical economic theories would predict immigration to increase crime, most empirical research shows quite the opposite. We investigate the immigration-crime relationship among metropolitan areas over a 40 year period from 1970 to 2010. Our goal is to describe the ongoing and changing association between immigration and a broad range of violent and property crimes. Our results indicate that immigration is consistently linked to decreases in violent (e.g., murder) and property (e.g., burglary) crime throughout the time period.

Robert M. Adelman, Shelly M. Kimelberg, Joanne Tompkins, and Watoii Rabii on visual arts teachers’ not-so-pretty future.

Using in-depth interview data from 30 young Black men of West Indian background, we examine their experiences with and perceptions of the American criminal justice system. Their experiences lead these men to contend that the system, especially police authorities, do not differentiate between Blacks based on ethnicity and subsequently treat West Indians and African Americans in a similar manner, that is, race trumps ethnicity. These men discuss their concerns about stereotypes of minorities, especially as they are reflected in the media, as the primary reasons for their treatment. However, these men also provide nuanced accounts in which not all system actors engage in discriminatory behavior. These accounts rest on an immigrant lens regarding criminal justice, which may indicate a more favorable outlook compared to their native-born Black counterparts. Overall, though, the interview data suggest that a Black–White divide regarding such perceptions will persist in an era of substantial sociodemographic change.

This research documents the racial-ethnic hierarchy in six Deep South states by focusing on native- and foreign-born groups and key socioeconomic outcomes including labor force participation, employment status, and poverty. The proportion of immigrants from Latin American countries entering these states has increased dramatically over the last 20 years; this is true to a lesser extent for immigrants from Asian nations. Using Public Use Microdata Samples and American Community Survey data, we find that although whites remain dominant demographically and economically, native- and foreign-born Asians are beginning to share in that economic position. Results also indicate that African Americans and Hispanic immigrants are often at the bottom of the hierarchy, but that the order of the groups can shift depending on the context and measure. Overall, the white-black framework of race relations may be slowly transforming into a complicated, multifaceted racial hierarchy but blacks still remain considerably disadvantaged in the Deep South.

Research documents how spatial location in American metropolitan areas influences individuals' and families' life chances due to differential access to opportunity. Racial residential segregation and concentrated poverty interact to create an especially vulnerable population within American cities. Less research has been performed about the detailed perceptions of residents who live in spatially isolated neighborhoods with high levels of poverty. Using in-depth interviews in a Buffalo, New York, neighborhood, we develop a better understanding of how geographic isolation influences individuals' attitudes about and perceptions of their lives. Respondents discuss subjects ranging from transportation to employment and outline the ways in which concentrated disadvantage impacts their daily lives.