This article introduces a novel cross-sectional dataset capturing electoral support for regionalist and secessionist parties across all EU-27 regions and the UK, based on data collected between 2010 and 2022. We map and categorize territorial demands as either internal (regionalist) or external (secessionist) self-determination. This allows for a comprehensive approach to the regional question, from salient territorial conflicts such as Catalonia, Corsica or Scotland but also enabling comparative analysis between regions with and without territorial demands, thus avoiding selection bias. It provides scholars with new tools to explore the patterns, causes, and intensity of territorial politics in the EU through electoral data, regional socioeconomic indicators, and public opinion variables.

Social-democratic parties face a dilemma between the universalist ethos of their socialist tradition and the nationalism that they share with the other political actors of the state where they act. In this paper, we examine comparatively the position of the Spanish party Partido Socialista Obrero Espanol (PSOE) and the Catalan party Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) on three political debates that pertains to the link between welfare and identity in Spain. We show how these parties experience opposite tensions between nationalism and the universalism of their left-wing ideology. Whereas ERC calls for a withdrawal from the Spanish system of social security, the PSOE advocates imposing on Catalonia a symmetric form of solidarity with the rest of Spain, despite recognising the region's different identity. Above all, both parties take identity for granted as a pre-political factor that 'naturally' justifies differential treatment, according to ERC, or equalising federalism, in the case of the PSOE.

las contribuciones surgidas a partir de la convocatoria especial que realizó la revista con motivo de la crisis de la COVID-19.El enorme e incierto impacto que esta situación está generando en nuestras

The overwhelming amounts of data we generate in our daily routine and in social networks has been crucial for the understanding of various social and economic factors. The use of this data represents a low-cost alternative source of information in parallel to census data and surveys. Here, we advocate for such an approach to assess and alleviate the segregation of Syrian refugees in Turkey. Using a large dataset of mobile phone records provided by Turkey’s largest mobile phone service operator, Türk Telekom, in the frame of the Data 4 Refugees project, we define, analyse and optimise inter-group integration as it relates to the communication patterns of two segregated populations: refugees living in Turkey and the local Turkish population. Our main hypothesis is that making these two communities more similar (in our case, in terms of behaviour) may increase the level of positive exposure between them, due to the well-known sociological principle of homophily. To achieve this, working from the records of call and SMS origins and destinations between and among both populations, we develop an extensible, statistically-solid, and reliable framework to measure the differences between the communication patterns of two groups. In order to show the applicability of our framework, we assess how house mixing strategies, in combination with public and private investment, may help to overcome segregation. We first identify the districts of the Istanbul province where refugees and local population communication patterns differ in order to then utilise our framework to improve the situation. Our results show potential in this regard, as we observe a significant reduction of segregation while limiting, in turn, the consequences in terms of rent increase.

This paper explores the relations of centrality and hierarchy between cities and firms implementing Smart City strategies in the context of the Spanish Network of Smart Cities (RECI). While the literature has usually focused on the global dimension of cities and firms networks, exploring a national case offers interesting insights about the presence of multinational firms in these contexts and the role played by medium-sized cities in their market expansion. The analysis is based on a two-mode network of cities and firms participating in Smart City projects with the usual measures of betweenness, in-degree and closeness, as well as computing the Gini index for each of them to assess the levels of inequality. We then explore whether the structural advantages of participating in these networks have a leveling effect or rather reinforce existing hierarchies of cities. Second, we explore how firms are intertwined in Smart City projects and whether medium-sized local firms have a relevant presence. Our findings suggest these networks become a regional gateway for multinational firms to expand their presence in Smart City national markets, rather than empowering medium-sized cities and small national firms.

The literature on sub-state nationalisms in Western democracies usually understands ethnicity as a defining feature of regional parties advocating for group and/or territorial recognition. However, the role of ethnicity for state-wide parties competing in regional elections has not received the same attention. Using observational data at the census section level for the Basque election of 2016, this paper shows how state-wide parties can be even more affected by ethnic alignment than regional parties. A key element presented here is the role of contextual effects that generate intra-group variations, resulting in different patterns of electoral boundaries. State-wide parties have an uneven distribution of vote indicating the difficulty of reaching wide segments of the electorate, a pattern that is only broken to some extent by the emergence of new political parties. On the other hand, some regional parties can be more successful both in non-core areas and reaching non-core voters in nationalist strongholds.

This paper inquires into whether the three types of arguments usually formulated in the normative literature on the legitimacy of secession - i.e. communitarian, choice, and remedial arguments - are articulated (or not) by separatist parties in Catalonia and Scotland. It concludes that these actors do use such arguments, but they tend to merge them in different combinations making a pluralist case for independence rather than developing monist reasoning as most political philosophers do. Furthermore, it finds a fourth type of argument which is under-theorised in the relevant literature. This is an instrumental argument whereby independence is depicted not as an end in itself, but as a means to achieve better welfare and governance for the national population. It further proposes a fourfold theoretical scheme that links communitarian and choice arguments to a principled logic based on the belief in the existence of an absolute right to self-determination and remedial and instrumental arguments to a consequentialist logic that legitimates secession on the condition that it serves the achievement of specific ends.

The capacity of the left–right scale to summarize most political issues can be challenged by the salience of the center–periphery cleavage. However, the existing literature does not agree on whether both attitudinal dimensions are related and, if so, to what extent. In this paper, we argue that both axes can have a dependency relationship, going from the latter to the former. Our main argument is that individuals with a strong regional attachment will assume a more progressive stance on the left–right axis regardless of their positions on the economic and cultural issues, and that this relationship is reinforced by contextual characteristics of the region such as internal homogeneity and external distinctiveness. We test our arguments by using the survey data from the Making Electoral Democracy Work project, which has data for 11 regions in 5 different countries.

In this article a critical analysis is made of some of the most influential approaches to contemporary populism and an alternative hypothesis is proposed. “Ontologising” populism (Laclau), examining it from a phenomenological perspective (Canovan) and observing it as an ideology (Freedon, Mudde, Stanley) are objectionable strategies as they are, from our perspective, overly intellectualist. Instead, a working hypothesis is proposed here that considers populism as a political narrative, placing the focus on the importance of political emotions and imagination. An overview is also given of the structural conditions (sociopolitical, economic and technological, among others) of the global wave of populism and the problems it has overcoming them.

Populism has undoubtedly been one of the most controversial political concepts of recent years. Transcending the boundaries of academia, it is now commonly used in the political arena, both to condemn the "elites" and to warn of the challenges facing contemporary democracies. The term is also applied to various political and economic contexts around the world: from the far right in Europe to the United States, Russia, Venezuela, the Philippines and India. As part of the debates on the limits and potential of populism as an analytical tool, issue 119 of Revista CIDOB d’Afers Internacionals presents a set of studies from various perspectives that address distinct cases – often underexplored in scientific research – in order to analyse a phenomenon that has come to be a key component of the international political agenda.

In this article a critical analysis is made of some of the most influential approaches to contemporary populism and an alternative hypothesis is proposed. "Ontologising" populism (Laclau), examining it from a phenomenological perspective (Canovan) and observing it as an ideology (Freedon, Mudde, Stanley) are objectionable strategies as they ore, from our perspective, overly intellectualist. Instead, a working hypothesis is proposed here that considers populism as a political narrative, placing the focus on the importance of political emotions and imagination. An overview is also given of the structural conditions (sociopolitical, economic and technological, among others) of the global wove of populism and the problems it has overcoming them.

espanolEl concepto de Smart City ha generado en los ultimos anos un interes creciente entre administraciones publicas, instituciones internacionales, think tanks, grandes corporaciones, PIMES y start‐ups. La Smart City condensa un nuevo imaginario urbano para el siglo XXI impregnado por un optimismo tecnologico orientado a mejorar la competitividad economica y la calidad de vida urbana. La Smart City incluye diferentes estrategias enfocadas a un nuevo urbanismo mas sostenible y participativo. Estas estrategias pivotan alrededor de nuevas infraestructuras urbanas y del papel emergente de las Tecnologias de la Informacion y la Comunicacion (TIC). La expansion de estas estrategias ha conllevado la emergencia de un ambito de investigacion que persigue entender el “porque, el como, el para quien y que consecuencias” tiene la Smart City en diversos contextos urbanos. A traves del analisis de redes sociales se presenta una caracterizacion de las redes de actores que participan en la implementacion de la Smart City en las ciudades espanolas de mas de 50.000 habitantes que forman parte de la Red Espanola de Ciudades Inteligentes (RECI) con el objetivo de identificar las empresas y ciudades mas centrales de la RECI. Nuestros resultados sugieren que un nucleo reducido de empresas y ciudades estan articulando la implementacion de la Smart City en Espana. EnglishThe concept of ‘Smart City’ has received a growing attention during the last years among different public administration, international organizations, think tanks, large companies, SMEs, and start‐ups. The Smart City encapsulates a new urban imaginary for the 21st Century underpinned by a technological optimism aimed at improving economic competitiveness and urban quality of life. The Smart City includes a number of strategies focused on a new, sustainable and participatory urbanism. These strategies revolve around new urban infrastructures and the emerging role of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs). The spread of these strategies has fostered the emergence of a research area studying the “why”, “how”, “for whom” and “which” consequences the Smart City has in different urban contexts. Through social network analysis (SNA) we explore the network of actors participating in the implementation of the Smart City in Spanish cities of more than 50,000 inhabitants that belong to the Spanish Network of Smart Cities (RECI) with the aim of identifying cities and firms centrality. Our results suggests that a limited number of cities and private companies are articulating the implementation of the Smart City in Spain.

espanolLas redes sociales como Twitter constituyen a la vez una oportunidad para acercarse al ciudadano pero tambien un autentico quebradero de cabeza para compatibilizar la logica de la comunicacion digital con la dinamica de las administraciones publicas. En este articulo se aportan algunas claves para comprender mejor los retos, riesgos y tensiones que plantean para las administraciones publicas las redes sociales como canal de comunicacion abierto a la ciudadania. Se presentan las conclusiones de una investigacion empirica sobre la adopcion y la gestion de Twitter por parte de los ayuntamientos catalanes. A partir de un cuestionario dirigido a una muestra de municipios, se ha elaborado una tipologia de gestores («motivados», «desencantados» y «resistentes») en funcion de la percepcion sobre el funcionamiento de este servicio y se han contrastado estos datos con indicadores de rendimiento y apoyo. El buen funcionamiento de las redes depende no solo de la motivacion de los agentes implicados sino tambien del apoyo estrategico de los maximos dirigentes y el compromiso del conjunto de la organizacion para avanzar hacia una gestion mas orientada al ciudadano. EnglishSocial media such as Twitter are both an opportunity to bring public administrations closer to citizens and a challenge to reconcile the logic of digital communication with the functioning dynamics of public administrations. This article provides some clues to better understand the risks and tensions that social media represent as communication channels open to citizens. This chapter discusses the conclusions of an empirical research on the adoption and management of Twitter in Catalan local governments. Through a questionnaire aimed at a sample of municipalities, a typology of social media managers («motivated», «disenchanted» and «resilient») has been constructed according to their perceptions on how social media work in public administrations, and confronted with indicators of performance and support. The well functioning of social media depends on not only the motivation of those in charge of this service but also on the strategic support of leaders as well as the commitment of the entire organization to advance towards a more citizen-oriented management.

This paper analyses the dynamics between ethnic boundaries and electoral alignment in the context of western minority nationalisms by focusing on the Catalan case. In particular, the research explores the changes in boundary shifts at the electoral level, whether they affect differently pro-sovereignty and pro-union parties, and to what extent changes have reinforced the ethnic alignment of vote. Methodologically, the analysis is based on observational data from the elections of 2010 and 2012, which allows control over some of the traditional limits of opinion studies. The results suggest that ethnicity is a dynamic factor that has gained relevance for both sub-state and state-wide parties, and that processes of boundary contraction are not necessarily associated with electoral failure.