I denne artikel præsenterer og sammenligner vi de danske drivhusgasudledninger per person over tid som opgjort efter UNFCCC’s territorialprincip og et forbrugsbaseret princip baseret på en input-output database. Sammenligningen viser, at de forbrugsbaserede udledninger er højere og er faldet langsommere end udledningerne baseret på UNFCCC-princippet. En stigende andel af udledningerne forbundet med opretholdelsen af det danske samfund og danskernes levevis falder dermed uden for de mål, vi aktuelt forholder os til politisk herhjemme. Vi udleder dernæst et mål for drivhusgasudledninger per person i 2030 baseret på emissionsscenarier, som opfylder Paris-aftalens målsætning og en lige ret til udledning for alle personer i verden. Vi viser, at selv hvis det lykkes at nå det danske reduktionsmål på 70 % for territorielle emissioner i 2030, så vil den gennemsnitlige danskers forbrugsbaserede drivhusgasudledninger med høj sandsynlighed fortsat ligge væsentligt over det globale gennemsnitlige niveau, som kræves, hvis vi skal opfylde Paris-aftalens målsætning. Vi foreslår på den baggrund, at Danmark aktivt søger at reducere også de dele af de forbrugsbaserede udledninger, som ikke tælles i det danske regnskab under UNFCCC-princippet.

ABSTRACT Finding ourselves in the midst of a plural eco-social crisis, this paper addresses roles and guiding questions for action research understanding, envisioning, practicing, and organising eco-social action, with the aim of renewing our human entanglements with the living ecologies, in which we are embedded. Driven by the aim of democratising eco-social transformations, climate- and biodiversity disasters are approached as symptoms of a plural eco-social crisis. From an eco-feminist position, this crisis concerns notions of mastery and extractivism eroding human and societal capabilities to sustain the inherent regenerative capacities of the living. Grounded in critical utopian action research, the paper addresses four different dimensions in action research for eco-social transformation: i) enabling social learning spaces to make visible the ways we are socially and ecologically related; ii) re-imagining how we want to live and relate in wider ecologies; iii) seeking alternatives to mastery through tangible practices; and iv) enabling new organisational forms for societal reorganisation. Building on concrete cases from urban planning to rural and regenerative practice, this paper describes how these different perspectives can mutually strengthen action research for eco-social transformation.

As the introduction to this collection suggests, many of the collected essays identify problems and challenges rooted in orthodoxies (see Gills & Morgan, 2020). Concomitantly, what is yet to be lea...

Since the 1970s, interdisciplinary groups of scientists have warned about the global direction toward irreversible transgressions of planetary boundaries for climate change, pollution, resource depletion and biodiversity loss. More recently, the scientific warnings have become stronger, emphasizing the fact that especially insufficient climate action can lead to social and ecological risks at an unprecedented scale in the coming decade. On this backdrop, this chapter probes whether there is a sufficient sense of urgency in the humanities. Specifically, we offer an analysis that takes the sense of time and urgency as central concerns for the humanities in the Anthropocene. We argue that the Environmental Humanities suffer from three epistemic problems in this situation: the idealization of slowness, the pursuit of conceptual thickness and the embrace of posthumanism. What we frame as three problems contain both academic virtues, promises, prestige and power. We argue, however, that they are also obstacles in the attempt to bring the humanities up to speed with a new world. A world, which is not only undergoing accelerating geophysical changes, but which is also rapidly changing due to new technologies and political polarizations.

The Climate Justice Movement (CJM) has been recognized and analyzed as part of the global deliberations on climate change in the fields' international political economy and political ecology. This chapter focuses on the "invention" of Climate Justice (CJ) as a concept for radical climate change mobilization. It analyzes how the central presence of economic demands began to diverge and transform in a different direction while retaining core phrases and demands going back to 1999. The historical context of the 1991 summit reflects an ambition to organize around environmental justice and a critical stance towards a perceived underlying structural racism in the approach of the "group of 10" main US environmental organizations. The concept of the Just Transition places the report firmly in the economic debate between North American unions and the environmental justice movement that had been taking place since the 1970s. A Just Transition concretely requires new sources of finance for both jobs and alternative energy resources.

In the early nineteenth century it was not at all evident what kind of a science, if at all, political economy was supposed to be. Writers of the discipline attempted to establish themselves as members of a scientific field, while being attacked by socialist and working-class opponents for being capitalist interest disguised as science. Drawing on material from the working-class periodical literature and private correspondences of the political economists in Britain and France, this chapter explores the struggle over the scientific status of the political economists in the 1820s to 1840s. By comparing the debates across the Channel the chapter shows both the national differences and the border-crossing inspirations for the political economists and the socialist movements alike. The chapter argues that the struggle over the status of political economy in this period needs to be understood as a struggle between competing economic rationalities. This struggle was instrumental in the lasting theoretical cooperation between French and British liberal economic thinkers, who aimed at placing the principles of unhindered trade at the basis of any acceptable economic policy.