In 1950, in the beginning phases of the Cold War, the U.S. Congress passed the Federal Civil Defense Act with the goal of protecting civilian populations in case of nuclear conflict. By the mid-1950s civil defense officials were busy developing detailed mass evacuation plans for American cities seen as targets of potential Soviet hydrogen bomb attacks. The 1950s was also the height of Jim Crow racial segregation in the American South. Using these important historical contingencies as a political, social, and cultural backdrop, we explore the geographical implications of Cold War civil defense planning efforts in a 1950s Southern segregated city, Savannah, Georgia, through the dual lenses of race and the geopolitics of fear. We do this by scrutinizing Savannah's 1955 Hydrogen Bomb Evacuation Plan, particularly as it pertained to the evacuation of the city's schoolchildren. Overall, the plan detailing local civil defense planners' strategy for evacuating Savannah residents makes no specific mention of racial segregation. But upon closer examination, the plan suggests that the maintenance of Jim Crow racial segregation, as well as larger Cold War geopolitical fears playing out at the local level, were key concerns in carrying out evacuation strategies in Savannah.

The structural, chemical and electronic changes of ceria as a function of decreasing particle size have been studied: at sizes below 5 nm the total amount of reducible oxygen dramatically increases due to superoxide formation on the ceria surface, a result indicative of a size dependent oxygen buffering capacity.

In June 2006, voters in Alabama overwhelmingly approved a statewide referendum that added a prohibition against same-sex marriage to the state's constitution. This research examines the Alabama vote by oplacingo the politics of sexuality within the state's multifaceted web of cultural and social space. We fuse a traditional electoral geography approach with an overall postpositivist cultural and social perspective, beginning with an assessment of the politics of place by situating Alabama as a place with a long history of battles over the so-called culture wars. The cultural politics of the legislative debate and the geographic distribution of the actual vote are also examined within a socio-demographic context, drawing some comparisons from a similar vote in Georgia in 2004, another state in the American Deep South. Those opposed to same-sex marriage in Alabama made effective use of various social constructions that are deeply embedded within a omoralo geography, situating the state as a fenced-off bastion of oreligious traditional values,o a common theme throughout the American South. In this vein, social boundaries and territory were demarcated as a powerful political act in Alabama, a strategy that situated the state as hetero-normatively oin place,o while deeming sexual minorities as oout of place.o.

This article examines the Conch Republic, a semi-farcical micro-state that was established in Key West, Florida in 1982. Although the Conch Republic has its origins in a direct challenge to state power, it is now a relatively depoliticized statement of the island's eclecticism as well as a marketing tool for the island's all-important tourism industry. Thus, the Conch Republic could easily be dismissed as an entity that has little in common with actual sovereign states.In this article, however, three literatures that shed light on Key West's culture and economy – the queer theory, tourism, and critical island studies literatures – are used to reframe sovereignty not as a stable category but as a strategic tool that is employed to improve the environment in which one engages in interactions. The story of the Conch Republic thus is used to demonstrate how sovereignty is sometimes less about the power to isolate and exclude than it is about the right to maintain some degree of control, or at least dignity, in a world of connections, inclusions, and fragmented, unstable identities.

Civil war settlements create institutional arrangements that in turn shape postsettlement politics among the parties to the previous conflict. Following civil wars that involve competing nation-state projects, partition is more likely than alternative institutional arrangements—specifically, unitarism, de facto separation, and autonomy arrangements—to preserve the peace and facilitate democratization. A theory of domestic political institutions as a constraint on reescalation of conflict explains this unexpected relationship through four intermediate effects—specifically, the likelihood that each institutional arrangement will reinforce incompatible national identities, focus the pursuit of greed and grievance on a single zero-sum conflict over the allocation of decision rights, empower the parties to the previous conflict with multiple escalatory options, and foster incompatible expectations of victory. The theory's predictions stand up under statistical tests that use four alternative datasets.

The intense debate over same sex marriage is replete with competing visions of 'moral' and cultural landscapes. We examine this issue in an electoral context as it played out in the state of Georgia in 2004, first in the state legislature and then in a statewide referendum. In analyzing the socio-spatial patterns within the state, we direct attention to two issues and their impact on the voting outcome. The first is African American discourse in supporting or opposing the amendment, in terms of same sex marriage as a civil rights issue or as a conservative religious 'moral' issue. Secondly, we look at how Richard Florida's thesis of the 'creative class' has influenced the spatial outcome of the vote in terms of intersections of the political-economy and local culture. Both discourses are linked with the so-called 'culture wars' raging across American society as a whole, and they help illustrate some unique geographies that play out within a local context.

Inclusive production of D⁄± mesons in deep inelastic scattering with the H1 detector at HERA is studied. Values of photon virtuality of 5 < Q2 < 100 GeV2 and scattering inelasticity 0.05 < y < 0.6 are covered. In addition, the production of dijets with D⁄± mesons is analysed, with photon virtuality of 2 • Q2 • 100 GeV2 and scattering inelasticity 0.05 • y • 0.7. Single and double dierential cross- sections are compared to predictions from the simulation program CASACDE. The normalisation and low-x power constants of the parton density function are varied in order to minimise the value of the statistical ´2 test between data from the H1 detector and predictions from CASCADE.

The transition from pediatric to adult health care is a significant issue facing all adolescents, but it is of critical concern to the 17% of adolescents with special health care needs. 1 To make this transition smooth, these young people need assistance over a period of time to assume their new role as informed health care consumers. They also need developmentally appropriate support to understand and manage their condition and to negotiate the changes when they move from pediatric to adult health care systems.